The third annual African VoIP Forum will bring leading international and regional experts to Lagos. The VoIP Forum is being supported by the African ISP Association (www.afrispa.org), ISP Association of Nigeria (www.ispan.org.ng), the Nigeria Internet Group (www.nig.org.ng), and the Nigeria Computer Society (NCS), giving it an impressive stamp of endorsement by the ICT industry.

When oil began seeping from pipelines owned by Italian oil company Agip recently, Nigerian newspapers reported that the spill was caused by sabotage. "Oil spills have become a great environmental tragedy in Nigeria, polluting streams, farmlands, the air and destroying lives," said Nnimmo Bassey, head of Environmental Rights Action (ERA), which is affiliated with the international environmental group Friends of the Earth.

Dozens of armed men attacked a police station in Nigeria’s southeastern Anambra state leaving four people dead, among them two policemen, police said on Monday, July 24. The attack on the police station in the trading town of Nnewi on Saturday is part of a pattern of recent attacks on police stations in Anambra linked to a group campaigning for an independent Biafra republic for the region’s mainly ethnic Igbos.

The release of the book, Birgiman Hankaka 1, by Adamu Aliyu Kiyawa, an educationist and veteran radio broadcaster/journalist in Kano recently has provided Hausa readers across the country an opportunity to benefit from the enormous information and knowledge that had hitherto been the exclusive of radio listeners in Kano. The 105-page publication is a reproduction of his popular weekly radio talk show, "Birgiman Hankaka", aired on Freedom Radio Kano, and anchored by the veteran broadcaster in Kano state.

A new background report from the International Crisis Group, the first in a new series on Nigeria, states that: "Nigeria is Africa's most populous nation and perhaps also its most poorly understood. It has endured six successful and numerous failed military coups, a civil war that cost well over a million lives, three inconclusive transitions to democracy and recurrent factional violence. Despite more than $400 billion in oil revenue since the early 1970s, the economy under performs, and the great majority of citizens have benefited little. More effective institution building is imperative."

Citing a poor human rights record against Nigeria, the country has been denied a seat on a United Nations’ committee/Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Nigerian Mrs. Saudatu Mahdi was stopped as one of the 12 experts elected to serve on the CEDAW Committee, which holds the mandate to monitor countries’ compliance with the Convention.

Res Publica (www.therespublica.org) is hiring a short-term, country-specific, case-study researcher for a project exploring e-advocacy and technology use by civil society in Nigeria. This is a 4-6 week project.

The Open Society Justice Initiative today (13 July) denounced a police crackdown on a meeting of human rights activists in Abuja and the threatened arrest of meeting organizers. The meeting, termed a "People's Tribunal," was organized by Nigerian human rights NGOs to protest the recent removal of Bukhari Bello as head of Nigeria's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC)—a move interpreted by the NGOs as a direct assault on the independence of that body.

Health officials in northern Nigeria, supported by UN health agencies, have declared a five-day polio immunisation campaign a success and expressed confidence they can meet a December 2006 deadline to eradicate the disease among 10 million children. "I wish to reiterate the commitment of the federal government of Nigeria to the interruption of the wide polio virus transmission by the end of 2006," Health Minister Eyitayo Lambo told a meeting of international health and donor agencies as well as health officials from the region.

As a condition for its election to the United Nations Human Rights Council in May 2006, Nigeria pledged “its determination and commitment to continue to promote and protect human rights at home by strengthening and actively supporting the work of the National Human Rights Commission.” This report chronicles how, in the matter of the NCHR, Mr. Bayo Ojo, SAN, as Nigeria’s Federal Attorney-General and Justice Minister has committed abuse of power, usurped Presidential powers, compromised the credibility and effectiveness of the Commission, mis-led Nigeria into violating the United Nations (Paris) Principles on the independence of National Human Rights Institutions, and done incalculable damage to the largely successful efforts of the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo to redeem Nigeria’s international reputation.

Political parties are indispensable for making democracy work and deliver. Finding the proper conditions for better internal functioning and effective legal regulation of political parties is of key importance anywhere.

This report is a result of world-wide research and dialogue with political parties as part of International IDEA’s Political Parties’ programme, where International IDEA is working with national and regional research partners to improve insight and comparative knowledge. The purpose is to provide for constructive public debate and reform actions helping political parties to develop.

Political parties researched: Alliance for Democracy; All Nigeria Peoples Party; All Progressives Grand Alliance; and Peoples Democratic Party.

Methodology

Nigeria currently has 33 registered political parties. Some 24 of them were registered just before the 2003 elections, while three were registered in February 2006 after the completion of the research. Most of them are very small and have little impact on the political process. The four parties chosen for this report were selected because they won the largest number of parliamentary seats in the 2003 elections. The desk study phase on the country context and external regulation of political parties drew on an analysis of the country’s constitution and laws, as well as published sources. Unpublished materials—such as party documents, newspaper reports and mimeographs—were also consulted.

Interviews were held with paid, full-time party officials at the party secretariats. The interview process on the internal functioning of the political parties was difficult and time-consuming, since all four parties underwent periods of internal crisis during the research period. Indeed, some of the party offices were closed and under police protection, or were occupied by one faction of the party. The situation improved by April 2005, however, and it was then possible to administer the questionnaires with the help of party staff at their secretariats.

Background

Nigeria is a federation of 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory of Abuja. It has a presidential system of government with an executive President, a judiciary and a bicameral National Assembly (Senate and House of Representatives) whose members are elected. Political crisis during the First Republic led to intervention by the armed forces and a civil war between 1967 and 1970. It also led to 30 years of military rule, except for the four-year period between 1979 and 1983. In 1999, the military government organized general elections and President Olusegun Obasanjo thereafter took office.

The last general elections were in April 2003. The next are scheduled for 2007, because those elected at the state and federal levels have a four-year tenure, with a maximum of two terms for the executive. The human rights situation has improved relative to the period of military rule, but there are still several human rights violations. The population lives in profound poverty, largely due to mismanagement of the economy and widespread corruption. In Transparency International’s last report, Nigeria was ranked sixth from last on the organization’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI).

The ruling party is the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), whose winner-takes-all outlook, coupled to the authoritarian tendencies of incumbent President Olusegun Obasanjo, pose a threat to the country’s democracy. Stability is also threatened by communal clashes, as well as violent insurgencies in many parts of the country.

Nigeria’s first general elections were held in 1960 when the British colonial authorities were preparing to hand over power to a local political leadership under the parliamentary system of government. The second general elections in 1964 were marked by boycotts in many areas. This led to the end of the First Republic in January 1966 and a military takeover of power. The armed forces ceded power to civilians in 1979 under the leadership of President Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Widespread electoral irregularities and other malpractices, however, were decried by opposition parties, as well as by civil society following the 1983 elections. This led to another military takeover in December 1983.

The military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida organised elections in 1992. The elections were inconclusive, however, because the result of the presidential election was annulled just before the vote-counting was completed. A new election was held by General Sani Abacha in 1997, but these too were inconclusive. General Abdulsami Abubakar, who succeeded Sani Abacha, organised the elections that brought the present incumbent, President Obasanjo, into power. President Obasanjo presided over the last general elections in April 2003. Both elections have been generally acknowledged by the opposition parties, civil society, and local and international observers as beset by large-scale irregularities.

During the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993), an eight-year transition programme began. General Babangida went further than the earlier regime in the regulation of political parties, decreeing that only two political parties would be registered. He instructed politicians to choose one of these parties as the platform for the attainment of their political ambitions. His government also wrote the parties’ constitutions, funded them and built offices for them throughout the country.

General Sani Abacha, who succeeded Babangida, registered five political parties. Remarkably, he induced all five parties to adopt him as their sole presidential candidate, but he died shortly thereafter. He was succeeded by General Abdulsalami, who registered three political parties and organized general elections that led to the election of General Obasanjo in 1999.

On the Freedom House World Country Ratings, Nigeria is classified as partly free in terms of political rights and civil liberties. This rating has been unchanged for the past five years.

Regulatory framework

Sections 221-229 of the 1999 constitution make elaborate provision for the registration, functioning, conduct and finances of political parties setting difficult conditions for the registration of political parties. As a result, only three parties were registered to contest the 1999 elections. This was partly because the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the country’s election management body, imposed conditions for registration that were more stringent than the provisions of the constitution. The Electoral Act was later amended and the procedure for registering parties was liberalised somewhat. Nonetheless, Nigeria retains a very illiberal regulatory regime for the registration and functioning of political parties.

The effect of these conditions is that parties that emerge must be very big, very rich and have the capacity to bring together money-wielding forces from different parts of the country. In effect, the major factor in party formation is not the aggregation of people with similar ideologies or interests but the establishment of ethnic coalitions led by regional barons with strong financial backing.

Internal functioning and structure

Election of leadership

The most important aspect of the parties’ internal functioning is that the regulatory framework outlined above tends to give rise to a situation in which political ‘godfathers’ play a major role in internal party politics. Parties have formal procedures for the election of their leaders but these procedures are often disregarded; when they are adhered to, the godfathers have means of determining the outcomes.

At the party congresses, leaders are elected and candidates are nominated for elective positions. The elections, however, are usually pre-determined and party bosses tend to have the final say in the selection of leaders. This process leads to the continual internal party crisis that the country has experienced. Party bosses or godfathers are unwilling to allow internal party democracy, a circumstance that leads to frequent conflicts and constrains the development of parties as popular organizations. Indeed, over the years these party bosses have developed comprehensive techniques for eliminating popular aspirants from party posts and for preventing them from being nominated for elective positions.

Techniques for the elimination of popular aspirants

Nigerian parties have a wide range of techniques to eliminate people from party primaries, including the use of power by powerful ‘party owners’, party barons, state governors, godfathers and so on; zoning and other forms of administrative fiat; violence by thugs or security personnel; bribing of officials and voters to support particular candidates; and simply disregard for the results declaring the loser as the winner

Policy development

Given this history, policy development tends to be disarticulated from policy implementation. While formal party structures such as the National Conventions and the National Executive Council have responsibility for policy formulation, the policies that get implemented in practice tend to reflect the desires of godfathers rather than formal party organs. Given this context, Nigerian party life is characterised by a very low level of debate on policy options and by members that are only active during election periods. There is urgent need for Nigerian parties to prioritise the issue of policy development.

Funding

Parties are partly funded by the state. The regulatory framework requires that parties prepare regular audited financial reports. Most party funds, however, come through party financiers and the details of these sums rarely enter the formal process of party accounts. Indeed, the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is so overwhelming that it tends to supersede other considerations. Precisely for this reason, the country’s political parties provide only very limited opportunities for marginalised individuals—youths, the poor and women.

Marginalization of women in politics

The marginalisation of women from political power in Nigeria’s patriarchal political system dates back to the colonial era, and women were not allowed to vote in Northern Nigeria until 1976. This marginalization has continued into the Fourth Republic. Of the 11,881 electable positions available during the 1999 elections, only 631 women were in contention. Only 181 of them won (a mere 1.62 per cent of the total positions).

Following the political party primaries for candidates in the 2003 elections, it became evident that the elimination of women through a well-orchestrated process of manipulating the outcome of most primaries was virtually party policy across the board. Indeed, the primaries were a charade because most popular candidates—female and male—were eliminated by party barons and replaced by other candidates who enjoyed the support of state and party executives. Studies of 15 female political aspirants reveal the following means of marginalizing women.

The indigeneity ploy

The 1979 constitution introduced the concept of ‘indigeneity’ into Nigerian public law to guarantee a fair regional distribution of power. Over the years, the principle has been subverted to discriminate against Nigerian citizens who are not indigenous to the places where they live and work. Women married to men who are non-indigenes of their local governments suffer discrimination. In their own constituencies, they are told that by marrying out, they have lost their indigeneity. In their husband’s constituency, they are told they do not really belong because indigeneity is based on the consanguinity principle.

Challenges and opportunities

Nigerian political parties were conceived to be cohesive, national bourgeois parties. Nonetheless, the aim or political project of most Nigerian parties has been the development of a national system for sharing out the ‘national cake’ as a system of patronage. This is why the parties are established as coalitions of various factions of regional and economic rent-seekers. Most party leaders see their political party activity as a means to further their business interests.

Nigerian political parties face two challenges. First, an extremely high level of corruption has made politics a competitive business. Second, the regulatory framework for the establishment of parties should to be changed so that new parties do not have to forge coalitions of the wealthy as a basis for their registration.

About International IDEA

Founded in 1995, the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) is an intergovernmental organisation that seeks to promote and develop sustainable democracy world-wide.

About CDD

The Centre for Democracy and Development is a non-governmental organisation which aims to promote the values of democracy, peace & human rights in Africa and especially in the West African sub-region.

The full report is available at the link shown.

*Dr. Jibrin Ibrahim, is Principal Researcher at the Centre for Democracy and Development; Fabian Okoye and Tom Adambara are Research Assistants at Global Rights.

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Nigeria's anti-corruption agency has launched a probe into allegations of fraud after a massive overpayment was made to a maritime organisation. More than $4m (£2.2m) was paid to the International Seabed Authority (ISA) in March for a bill of $22,000 (£12,000), according to the president's office. Officials say an investigation has been launched into foreign ministry staff.

President Olusegun Obasanjo on July 6 2006, launched the Computer for All Nigerians Initiative (CANI) aimed at easing access to, and use of computers amongst all Nigerians in irrespective of class, age gender and location. He said the objective of the CANI scheme is to increase computer penetration in Nigeria in line with the National ICT policy, the multi-sectoral reform agenda of government and the realisation of the objectives of the Millennium Development Goals.

Britain has returned the equivalent of US $1.8 million seized from a former Nigerian state governor, the first time it has returned funds illegally stashed away in a foreign account by a political office holder. The money which was seized from the London home of former Bayelsa state governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha was returned to the Nigerian diplomatic mission in Britain, said a statement by London Metropolitan Police.

Reporters Without Borders has condemned the arbitrary arrests of "Daily Independent" reporter Rotimi Durojaiye and AIT television presenter Mike Gbenga Aruleba on 25 and 26 June 2006, respectively, on sedition charges under a law that was made obsolete by a 1983 appeal court ruling.

A number of trade-related issues could potentially lead to conflict. Also wider conflicts could spill over to affect trade. Conflict causes not just immediate trade losses, but also a loss of trust and confidence that affects social relationships and networks. Traders and other businesses can help to reduce conflict.

No fewer than ten primary school pupils were recently caught writing Primary Six examination for their parents, which the state Commissioner for Secondary and Primary Education, Dr. Veronica Ogbuagu has described as "preposterous".

The Nigerian police force has rejected the conclusions of a new report that it is regarded as one of the country's most corrupt institutions. A police spokesman said the force had the highest quality control system. Last year, Nigeria's former police chief was found guilty of corruption and sentenced to six months in prison.

Human rights groups in Nigeria are in an uproar over the unconstitutional removal of the Executive Secretary of the National Human Rights Commission. Mr. Bukhari Bello. Over 30 groups have made their stance clear, arguing that not only does this undermine the country’s constitutionalism, but it also subverts the rights of Nigerians.

Sequel to the removal of Mr. Bukhari Bello, by Federal Government as Executive Secretary of National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), International Human Rights bodies including Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA) yesterday (26 June) said they have withdrawn support from the National Human Rights Commission.

Meanwhile, 30 Nigerian civil society organisations have released separate complaints to Judge Louise Arbour, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Mrs. Salamata Sawadogo, Chairperson of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights calling for the restoration of Bello to his position, an urgent international investigation of the independence of institutions for the protection of human rights in Nigeria, including the judiciary and the National Human Rights Commission and suspension of Nigeria from consultative relations with both bodies if the government fails to rescind its actions.

On Monday, the Attorney-General of the Federation and Justice Minister, Chief Bayo Ojo, SAN, issued a letter to Bello, informing him of his removal as head of the commission.

The Minister said government was displeased with his criticisms of harassment and intimidation of journalists by the security services and denunciation by African National Human Rights Institutions of recent attempt at tenure extension and America’s role at Guatanamo Bay.

Mr. Bello is the Chairperson, Co-ordinating Committee of African National Human Rights Institutions.

They noted with dismay that the redeployment of Bello came at the time when the United Nations Human Rights Council is holding its inaugural meeting adding that Nigeria is one of the 47 elected members to the council based on its pledge to respect the promotion and protection of the rights of its citizens in general, as well as support the strengthening and independence of the National Human Rights Commission.

Condemning the action, Mr. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, Director of the Africa Programme, Open Society Justice Initiative contended that the statements issued by Bello were in capacity as Chairperson, Co-ordinating Committee of African National Human Rights Institutions and that it was a collective decision of all the council members. “The Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has run carts and horses through the Paris Principles. They have undermined stability of tenure of the members of the Commission, compromised the Commission’s institutional efficacy and independence, and chosen to subvert the protection of human rights in Nigeria. The High Commis-sioner for Human Rights and the African Commission cannot stand idly by while these happen,” he said.

Speaking at the joint press conference, Dr. Nana Tanko, Executive Director of OSIWA said: “Nigeria is supposed to be in the forefront for respect of constitutionalism in the continent. Now they have set a bad precedence what is expected of other African Countries that are looking up to it? “For any democracy to work, the protection and promotion of the citizenry is very crucial. Issues should be looked at beyond individuals. “The action of Nigerian government by removing Bello negates all the work that has been done over the years in the area of Human Rights in Africa. If such removal must be done, due process must be followed. We have done a lot to support the National Human Rights Commission over the years but at this point we have no choice but to withdraw our support. We can’t imagine doing all that we have been doing and the government comes and makes a nonsense of all we have done.”

Chinonye Obiagwu, Co-ordinator of the Legal Defence and Aid Project (LEDAP), observed: “We are appalled at the treatment of Mr. Bukhari Bello. This is not just an issue about Mr. Bello. It is about the rule of law, due process, and proper governance. “If we allow this to go unchallenged, it is going to be a return to anarchy. This is a call to the trenches. It is very clear that government is no longer sensitive to constructive decision-making. We ask all members of civil society to suspend collaborative activities with the Federal Ministry of Justice until it makes clear that it will no longer interfere with the National Human Rights Commission.” Obiagwu pointed out that the Abacha government, which established the NHRC, appointed Mohammed Tabir, who was very critical of their policies, but never removed him.

He revealed that for the past five years a bill to amend the NHRC Act to give it more powers and remove government control has been pending at the National Assembly.

The groups contend that: “In taking this decision, the Justice Minister did not notify or consult with the Chairperson or other members of the Council of the National Human Rights Commission. On Monday, 19 June, the Chairperson of the Commission, Honourable Justice Anthony Igu promptly visited the Justice Minister to protest this interference in the independence of the NHRC and to affirm that the allegations on the basis of which the Attorney-General claimed to have acted fell firmly within the remit of the Executive Secretary and were done at all times on the instructions of the Council of the NHRC. “Principle 3(a)(iv) of the Paris Principles, A/Res/48/138, requires the establishment of National Human Rights Commissions for the purpose of ‘drawing the attention of the government to situations in any part of the country where human rights are violated and making proposals to it for initiatives to put an end to such situations and, where necessary, expressing an opinion on the positions and reactions of the government.’ “Principle 6 of the Paris Principles requires governments to ‘ensure a stable mandate for the members of the national institution, without which there can be no real independence.’ “In Article 26 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which is domestic law in Nigeria, the government of Nigeria undertakes to ‘guarantee the independence of ….appropriate national institutions entrusted with the promotion and protection of the rights and freedoms guaranteed in the Charter.’”

For further details see:

* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Nigerian security forces have killed at least two members of a separatist group in a raid on one of their hideouts in the violent southeastern market city of Onitsha, a human rights group said on Tuesday 27 June. Anambra state is one of several in Nigeria where power struggles ahead of the 2007 elections have fuelled violence.