A failed attempt by the Somaliland police to close down a new radio station, Radio Horyaal, might sound like a comedy of errors, but it is another indication of an increasingly worrying human rights situation. The independent station has only been operational for about two weeks, but its very existence appears to have unnerved the government. Until recently, the government enjoyed a monopoly on the airwaves, and it has used Radio Hargeisa as a partisan vehicle to promote its own political interests, marginalising alternative voices and unwelcome facts and views.

We are looking for an innovative and creative individual able to handle the challenges inherent in a new institution in a developing country. You will have a diploma or other approved qualification in information systems and a minimum of 3 years work experience preferably in a medium to large organisation across two or more sites.

Some of the last remaining refugees who fled the civil war in Somalia during the 1990s have begun returning home from Ethiopia, the UN's refugee agency (UNHCR) said.The refugees were from Aisha refugee camp, located in eastern Ethiopia, which UNHCR hopes to close by the middle of the year. Currently, there are 116,000 refugees in Ethiopia - the majority of whom are from Sudan. UNHCR has organised the repatriation of hundreds of thousands of refugees from Ethiopia to Somalia and expects an increase in the coming years.

‘We used to think that women could not do the same things as men, due to religion. But now we no longer believe that. We are glad that women will stand for Parliament and [dramatic pause] we will vote for them’. - A member of the House of Aqils (local community leaders who administer justice) at a meeting with Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR) in December 2004.

The independent but internationally unrecognised state of Somaliland (North West Somalia) is due to hold parliamentary elections in March/ April 2005. This should be the most important phase of its democratisation process, marking the change from a clan-based and government-dominated polity with little effective parliamentary opposition. Such a polity has shown little intervention in social areas, and seemingly little commitment to overcoming gender and other non-clan inequalities. The regularisation of political representation in parliament could provide additional support in resolving conflict peacefully. Somalilanders see this as vital in avoiding a return to the instability that has plagued Somaliland and Somalia in the past. It could also mean that burgeoning Somaliland civil society will be able to campaign on and monitor government policies and spending. However recent decisions of MPs have made the progress of democratisation uncertain and the elections liable to delay. Uncertainty also continues in (South) Somalia despite the latest (and fifteenth) version of peace and a new government.

Somaliland, having decided unilaterally in 1991 to end its commitment to its union with Somalia, determined in the late 1990s to embark on a process of democratisation. For some Africanists this is seen as an interesting experiment which deserves greater study (and support) in its incorporation of democratic values within a well understood and traditionally-based social structure. A referendum in 1999, local elections in 2002 and a presidential election in 2003 all contributed to this process. There have been some setbacks, notably in the government’s incomplete and seeming reversible compliance with human rights standards, shown by the arrest of journalists and its perceived leaning on the judiciary. Authoritarian responses by the Hargeisa government to some of its critics such as the gaoling of journalists like Hassan Saeed, show lack of respect for human rights and the constitution. Illegal public safety committees are believed to exist. The recent gaoling for ‘treason’ of a 16 year old girl, Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, on minimal evidence shows both the fragility of the democratisation process and the paranoia about security.

Somalilanders are though, rightly concerned about statements from the new Somalia President, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed suggesting that Somaliland be forcibly reincorporated into Somalia. When military leader of Puntland, the semi-autonomous territory to the east of Somaliland, tensions ran high between the two territories, especially Puntland’s occupation of Somaliland territory in Sool in October 2004.

Although not linked, the killings of three foreigners in October 2003 meant that personnel of international organisations have had to travel with armed guards from the Special Protection Unit (SPU). Despite the security precautions, on a visit in December 2004, the country seemed peaceful and people can travel round.

This democratisation process has therefore both internal and international dimensions with the strategy of increased democratisation bringing hoped-for de jure international recognition (it can be argued that there is some minimal de facto recognition). There is within this an often explicit comparison between the chaotic, internationally-funded (and located) and expensive process to the south in Somalia and the home-grown, traditionally-rooted process in Somaliland.

Three political parties – Kulmiye (‘Bringing Together’), UCID (‘Justice and Welfare’) and the governing UDUB (‘Democratic United Peoples Movement’) party will contest the elections. The first describes itself as ‘social democratic’, the second as ‘like the British Labour Party’ and the third as ‘conservative’, although all are parties in formation rather than cohesive political and ideological units. Indeed UCID told us that it characterised the other two as one party split in two. Kulmiye (whose office was packed out, unlike the other two) appears to have strong support from women and youth, and from the old liberation fighters in the Somali National Movement (SNM). It also has a strong base in the diaspora – with UDUB fending off questions on the governing party using the advantages of incumbency by stressing the greater amount of remittances going to its major rival. Neither of the opposition parties saw the National Electoral Commission (NEC), as biased, rather stressing the commissioners’ lack of experience and the problems they face. The parties expected a free election – i.e. in terms of the overall context, but were less convinced over the fairness (i.e. the conditions around the actual election). Both stressed the need for change, their commitment to human rights as well as security, ensuring sovereignty, the environment and overcoming economic decline especially unemployment.

Somalilanders say that as the international community is pushing for democratic norms and practice in Africa, it should support them not least in observing an expected reasonably free and fair election. Previous elections according to international observers (such indeed as our own institute) have proved peaceful, reasonably free and fair and enthusiastically welcomed.

However the delicacy of the situation for others does present problems for Hargeisa. In contrast to 2002, the EU and member states appear less keen to show their support – financial or moral - for these elections. This appears linked to their equally important funding of and desire to see success in the Mbagathi government- building process in (Southern) Somalia and worries that the new ‘government’ (still investigating where to relocate to in Somalia) will react negatively to funding for the Somaliland parliamentary elections. Additionally the Somaliland government is only willing/ able to provide 30% of the projected budgetary costs of the election due to a decline in revenues and increased military expenditure due to the Somaliland/ Puntland dispute. A scaled down election may be possible, although 6-7,000 people will still be needed to run any kind of election. The Danish government has agreed to provide a consultant to work with the National Electoral Commission (NEC), following British funding of a consultant to work on a draft electoral code.

As well as external constraints, there are also internal differences. There was an initial unwillingness, as there was in 2002 by political parties to accede to demands for women candidates to be placed towards the top of party lists - the closed party list system operates, due at least in part to widespread illiteracy. Whilst complete gender equity is unlikely, there was in the draft electoral law a formula, although seemingly under threat from traditionalists, that would enshrine the right of women to be candidates in the top 5 of the party lists without the constitution being breached. All three political parties claimed to us that they had shifted position on accepting (and publicly welcoming) women candidates since 2002. The women’s umbrella body, NAGAAD, is keen to keep plugging away on gender representation questions following up on their campaigning and lobbying in media, and meetings with government and parliament. There has been training of women candidates in the political parties.

Other civil society organisations have committed to helping in the electoral process as indeed have the Aqils (local community leaders who administer justice at dir (sub clan) level). Both wish to promote peaceful elections through civic/ voter education, encouraging communities to vote and help organise neutral help for the blind, illiterate etc in polling stations. One leading local NGO, the Academy for Peace and Development has committed its staff to election-related work until the election period finishes. It is involved in discussions with the Parliament and the political parties, including the parties signing up to a voluntary code of conduct. NAGAAD, having had experience in the last two elections, expects to coordinate local observer groups with COSONGO, the national NGO umbrella, and to run civic education programmes dividing up the country east and west as they did in 2002 and 2003.

The opposition parties and sections of the populace allege that parliamentarians, especially those allied to UDUB, have more commitment to their own stay in power than to the democratisation process. The recent electoral law passed in early February 2005 by parliament calling unrealistically for a census and full registration process does little to overcome that perception. Many Somalilanders also expect UDUB to lose to Kulmiye. President Riyale has though told parliament to pass the electoral code as a matter of urgency, and informed at least one would-be foreign donor of the commitment of the government to the electoral process.

The implication is that without substantial funding there will be a cut-price election where the free and fair nature of the election will be under threat or at least demand a great deal of consensus. Given the circumstances of the 2003 presidential election where Kulmiye lost by a small margin, claiming that it had in fact won but was prepared for the sake of the nation to accept the result, such consensus is unlikely to be forthcoming. This is especially the case if due to the electoral law, the process has to be delayed. At the time of writing we still await the reaction of the NEC and indeed the President to the practically impossible conditions set by Parliament if elections are to go ahead within less than two months.

A general worry therefore is that if there is not an election the one stable part of ‘greater Somalia’ will relapse from the democratic path, thereby rendering useless the internal and international goodwill, investment and work that has been undertaken so far. The less the technical conditions are perfect, the more the NEC and others have to rely on mutual goodwill and argued for consensus. These will be the first direct parliamentary elections in greater Somalia for 35 years. Somaliland still has a long path to go towards democratisation (which is a process rather than an event after all); the parliamentary elections and a new parliament (and possibly government) open up great opportunities for civil society. It can be empowered to seek greater government accountability, and a constructive but critical engagement with government on key issues in society, economy and polity – not least human rights, development, issues like HIV/AIDS, and greater commitment to gender equality and opportunity.

Whilst Somaliland vaunts its home-grown approach, it is also desperately aware of its need for international assistance which up till now has been forthcoming. The situation is now complicated not just by the new electoral law, but by its usual funders being engaged with the process in (southern) Somalia and the sensitivities of those it is engaging with down there. However, outside donors can make a lot of difference with small amounts of money. Indeed Somalilanders told us that they do not want assistance beyond their capacity to control and monitor such outside resources. They do stress, however, that the international community has wanted Somaliland to take the ‘good governance’ path and there is need for support from those suggesting that path.

The worry is that without support the cash-strapped government will not be able to run an election that can be shown to be free and fair and therefore that instability will result from this. Given the internal and external commitment to stability in Somaliland and the general climate amongst donors (inside and outside of the NEPAD and Commission for Africa processes) to push for ‘good governance’ and democracy in the continent, this would be an opportunity squandered. The fragility of this region cannot be overstressed – something that Somaliland parliamentarians also need to reflect upon.

* Steve Kibble is Africa/ Yemen Advocacy Officer at CIIR. Adan Abokor is the Country Representative of International Cooperation for Development, the name by which CIIR’s skillshare programme is known in certain countries.

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A collaboration between Population Services International (PSI)/Mali and Ikatel, HIV/AIDS and Malaria prevention text messages are sent twice a month to 350,000 cell phone clients and are being printed on one million pre-paid phone cards. Messages such as: "Anyone can get HIV - everyone can prevent it" and "Protect your family against malaria - use an insecticide-treated mosquito net" are part of the campaign's aim to raise awareness and promote PSI's Protector brand condoms, BLOC insecticide re-treatment kits, and Super Moustiquaire Famille Protégée nets.

A senior UN official called for more international and local assistance for thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and returnees in the self-declared autonomous republic of Somaliland. “These IDPs and returnees are among the poorest of the poor,” Dennis McNamara, head of the UN Inter-Agency Internal Displacement Division, said during a visit to returnee camps in Burao, 340 km east of the Somaliland capital, Hargeysa. “They desperately need assistance."

Population Sservices International/Mali and the country's premier cell phone company, Ikatel S.A., have launched a one-year health communication campaign, "La Santé au bout du fil" (Health On Line) that will combat HIV/AIDS, an emerging threat, and malaria, the number one cause of mortality. The campaign, one of the first NGO-private sector partnerships in the country, makes use of cellular technology to improve health in this poor, vast country of 13.4 million that extends from the savanna in the south to the Sahara Desert in the north.

A full-blown emergency is threatening Ethiopia’s Somali region, the UN warned on Thursday. Wells are drying up and malnutrition is beginning to set in, according to a joint UN rapid-assessment team sent to monitor the crisis. Somali region officials said last week that panic was beginning to set in among communities who fear they might suffer on a scale like that of the 2000 drought in the same region. In that year, an estimated 50,000 people died, mainly from measles.

The Monthly Watch is an independent Monthly Newsletter of the Somali Organisation for Community Development Activities (SOCDA). First published in December 2001 to act as an organisational mouthpiece, a voice for the struggling Somali Civil Society Organisations and a catalyst in the reconstruction of Somalia. Contact the editor at [email protected] for more information.

ICD is looking to recruit two development workers to work with a range of local NGOs, LNGOs, in Somaliland assisting in building their capacity and specific skills for community development activities.

Somaliland: Capacity building advisor
The postholder should have a degree level education or equivalent in a relevant discipline as well as education/training in specific aspects of community development. A minimum of three years experience in an advisory capacity with NGOs and proven experience in training/facilitation are essential. Of particular importance is the ability to network and knowledge of at least one of the above mentioned project themes. Knowledge of NGO capacity building and organisational development and NGOs roles in community development are essential. A flexible and culturally sensitive approach to work in a Somali/Islamic environment is essential.

Somaliland: Advocacy trainer
The postholder should have a relevant qualification plus a minimum three years experience within the NGO sector. Proven experience of designing, implementing and monitoring an advocacy programme, and knowledge of capacity building within the NGO/CBO sectors are essential. Of particular importance is the ability to network at policy levels and knowledge of at least one priority area (human rights, women's leadership, conflict prevention and peace building). A flexible and culturally sensitive approach to work in a Somali/Islamic environment is essential. Only completed applications will be considered. Please do not send CVs. Job descriptions and an application form can be downloaded from www.ciir.org (see section " jobs @ CIIR"). Closing date: 4 November 2004; Interviews: November.

To overcome obstacles associated with educating Ethiopia's pastoralist children, the Education Development Center is building the capacity of Somali educators and technicians to produce and broadcast interactive radio instruction programmes that deliver official curriculum in reading, basic math, and life skills. Students participate through question-and-answer sessions, drama, and songs.

The small Malian town of Zegoua - population 22,000 - doesn't have a great many ”claims to fame”. In one respect, however, it has achieved something remarkable. "Since January 2002, there's not been one case of neonatal or maternal mortality in Zegoua or any other nearby village,” Yaya Coulibaly, director of the Zegoua Community Health Centre, told a group of local and international journalists recently.

The government of Mali has imposed a six-month ban on tree felling to try and slow the rate at which the country's savannah woodland is being steadily decimated for firewood and charcoal. However, housewives in the capital Bamako are grumbling that this has pushed up the price of cooking fuel. The Ministry of the Environment estimates that Mali is loosing 400,000 hectares of tree cover a year to meet the rising demand for construction timber and fuel wood.

The United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has reported that a potential humanitarian crisis is looming in the Somali region of Ethiopia where the long rains have failed and up to 1.3 million people are likely to need emergency aid until the end of the year. Preliminary assessments suggest that crops have failed in 14 districts and the agency is calling for immediate delivery of water in some areas where shortages for both human and livestock consumption are reported to have already become critical.

Situated some 750 km from Mali's capital Bamako, patients at Dimbal hospital are now benefiting from the medical opinion of experts in Geneva. This is made possible by the Geolink Access satellite which allows doctors in the hospital to ask questions of experts 6,000kms away in case of difficulties. The network is an initiative for 'la mission archéologique et ethnoarchéologique suisse en Afrique occidentale (Maesao)' and Dimbal is a pilot project.

A recent report published by the Information Centre about Asylum and Refugees and entitled, 'The Somali community in the UK: what we know and how we know it' has been widely welcomed by the representatives from a number of Somali associations. 'In addition to mapping exactly what has already been written on the Somali community, the report addresses what needs to be done to begin to undermine the seemingly perennial disadvantage Somalis face in the UK', the Independent Race and Refugee News Network reported.

Evidence shows the benefits of adult literacy for women in a variety of developing countries, but others argue that the results of adult literacy programmes are poor. Research from rural Mali suggests that the participation of women in literacy programmes does not necessarily improve their socio-economic attitudes and practices. Why should this be the case and should development agencies therefore continue to assume that literacy programmes are always a good way to improve the lives of women?

Malian children miss out on school because their parents can't afford the fees, uniforms, books and pens so the government launched a sponsorship scheme this month, recruiting businessmen and even footballers to help impoverished children get an education. Officials say the cost of putting a child through school is about 25,000 CFA (US$ 46) a year - which makes life difficult for parents in a country where around 70 percent of the population lives on less than a dollar a day and women have an average of around seven children each, according to the World Bank.

The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions has published a new report on core labour standards in Benin, Burkina Faso and Mali, exposing the problems facing workers and trade unions in these countries. The report, launched to coincide with the WTO Trade Policy Review this week, highlights frequent violations of basic workers' rights such as the right to organise and the right to collective bargaining. Legal restrictions exist on the right to strike, and civil servants are exposed to serious limitations on their right to strike.

Hawa Drame, known to her friends and colleagues as “Madame Refuse,” sifts through the rubbish on a dump in the Malian capital Bamako for rags and old clothes that she can recycle and sell in order to feed herself and her four children. Drame, who is now about 40, has been scavenging for old rags on Bamako's rubbish dumps for the past 13 years. She washes them in a river and sells them on to mechanics and garage owners for cleaning cars. A Malian government survey in 1999 revealed that 63.8 percent of the country's 11 million population were living in poverty and a further 21 percent in extreme poverty.