From the 6th World Social Forum in Bamako, Susan George reports on the
hospitality of the people, as well as of the misery that the World Bank
policies have created in Africa by promoting privatisation. She stresses
the importance of the role played by African activists in fighting
neo-liberal policies – especially EU–promoted Economic Partnership
Agreements. These are free trade agreements that go even further than
the WTO in liberalising markets, and threaten the very survival of
African economies.

Organisers hailed the first phase of the World Social Forum (WSF), which ended on Monday in the Malian capital of Bamako, as having created an "Afrocentric" focus that was missing in previous forums. Quoted by IPS, coordinator Mamadou Goita said: "This is the first time we have had a majority of Africans attending a WSF. Usually there have been less than 100 African NGOs (non-governmental organisations) at any of the other WSFs. It was too expensive for most Africans to travel to Porto Alegre or Mumbai." But after nearly six years, where has the WSF come to? Pambazuka News provides questions and answers about the movement that seeks to challenge corporate globalisation.

1. The WSF has been around since 2001. Where is it now and what happened this year?

The World Social Forum changed its format this year. Instead of one centralized meeting (which until now have been held alternatively in Mumbai, India and Porto Alegre, Brazil), several polycentric events took place. Caracas, Venezuela; Bamako, Mali and Karachi, Pakistan will all host the WSF in January, 2006.

This has been an important progression in the history of the forum, as it serves to expand access to the forum by making it easier for activists and civil society players to participate. The forum thus claims to "offer to progressive forces in Africa a very first opportunity, following to the huge range of popular resistances during the nineties, to significantly set their fights and their alternatives in a global seeking of the construction of a fair world with more solidarity and respectful of People's sovereignty."

The goal of the WSF is not to produce agreements on specific policy positions but to offer a space for dialogue and engagement, with resources to strategise, network and plan joint ventures for the future. It has been successful in creating a loose network of forces around the world who advocate for social, political and economic justice. It has often been called an "anti-globalisation" movement, but is in fact one of the most globalised movements in the history of social justice.

The movement has been criticised, however, as simply a popularized gathering of wealthy NGOs and funders. Past forums have also been dominated by certain interests, leading to debates about whether the WSF represents revolutionaries or reformists. The WSF is anti-globalisation, anti-war, etc. This has also been criticised, leaving many people to question the process of the WSF which is characterised by endless debate and pose questions such as: What is the WSF for? What solutions does the WSF offer? How can the movement move forward, rather than simply critiquing social, political and economic problems as they exist? Further criticisms of the forum focus on the lack of structure or organisational support – whether it be the complicated and often non-functioning website, poor planning at the actual event or the need for more support for participants.

2. There seems to be a lot of criticism over its form, structure and decision making. What does this involve?

The WSF is popularly characterized by a reputation of embodying a complex and confusing decision making process. In order to preserve the plural and open consensus style that is the mandate of the forum, the goal of creating a bottom-up, grassroots event is often planned in an extremely heavy handed, top down manner. Some critics argue that the WSF is not transparent or accountable, let alone democratic and that their Charter of Principles, size, lack of resources and goals of planning massive events make organizing unmanageable. The numerous organisations and individuals involved also offer competing views and ideas, adding to the layers of difficulty in planning such an event.

3. What were the focus areas in Bamako this year?

Each year the WSF appoints thematic areas. This year, in Bamako, 10 were chosen. Topics included war and militarisation, security and peace; globalised neoliberalism; aggression against peasantry; the alliance between patriarchal and neo-liberal systems; culture, media and communication; destruction of ecosystems, biological diversity and resources control; international order and the role of the UN; international trade, debt and economic and social policies; social fights, human rights, social organisations and political rights; alternatives. The areas to be discussed are meant to be kept quite loose, and can be kept extremely localised or made to be more general depending on the needs of the participants.

4. What does the WSF mean for Africa?

Africa will commemorate the 200th anniversary of the abolition of the slave trade in 2007 and the 50th anniversary of the independence of Ghana. It's also a year in which the World Social Forum will be hosed in Nairobi, Kenya, so the Bamako forum offers the potential for the WSF to entrench itself in Africa ahead of 2007. Malian author and social activist Dr Aminata Dramane Traoré has pointed out that the polycentric organisation of the forum is the first step in the process of rooting the WSF in Africa and mobilizing those people on the continent who have been hardest hit by globalization (http://www.ipsterraviva.net/tv/wsf2006/viewstory.asp?idnews=442) In the same interview, she went on to say: "Holding the WSF in Africa will increase African awareness as far as the link between poverty and globalisation is concerned. Also, Africans will feel more connected to the process than if it were being held elsewhere." The Bamako Forum has also provided the space for groups from around Africa to articulate their concerns, with the Ogoni people from Nigeria and the Yaaku community in Kenya reported to have made their case in Bamako (http://www.ipsterraviva.net/tv/wsf2006/viewstory.asp?idnews=476), and sessions dedicating to discussing the issue of land bringing together groups from around the continent (http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,5,925).

5. What global solutions is the WSF generating?

The WSF attracts thousands of people from across the world who work in many different areas and have diverse outlooks, not only about the problems that the world faces, but also in their beliefs about how these problems should be tackled. This has made the articulation of united policy positions difficult and therefore led to frustration in some quarters that while there is a great deal of marching, singing and slogan shouting, nothing much seems to come out of the effort (http://www.opendemocracy.net/globalization-world/wsf_3211.jsp). Certainly, after six years of existence, its possible to detect a degree of cynicism from veteran WSF travelers that they've heard the same speeches a number of times before. Moreover, while the forums have provided an area for meeting and debate, there's no discernable change to a world where neo-liberalism runs riot and poverty deepens by the day. Before this year's forum there were calls from the likes of Civicus Secretary General Kumi Naidoo for "different civil society actors to find common ground, engage in joint strategising, and plan joint activities for the future" (http://www.ipsterraviva.net/tv/wsf2006/viewstory.asp?idnews=462). But, says founders of the forum, this is not what the forum was intended for in the first place. "The primary purpose of the forum is to create a space for free dialogue between social movements, and that its openness should not be compromised by confining participants to any narrow statement of intent," says Chico Whitaker in an article on www.opendemocracy.net

6. Who Funds the WSF?

It's very difficult to determine who pays for the WSF: The website cites no sponsors, and it is hard to find any organisations or funding bodies highlighting their role as sponsors. The WSF charter is silent regarding what kinds of international sources of funding may be tapped. The registration fees are minimal. All organisations participating in the WSF are asked to contribute towards a translation solidarity fund, which is intended to help cover the WSF's translation budget.

There is some mention of a funding policy for the WSF held in India, such as the limit of Rs. 25 lakhs limit per donor being raised to Rs. 50 lakhs for WSF 2004. The WSF India website also mentions plans to approach state, local administration, authorities and public bodies to providing facilities free or at subsidised rates and to hold cultural events "with discretion" to raise funds. According to the WSF Charter as adopted in India, the WSF can seek funds from Indian industry and commerce.

Although it appears from the WSF India website that some foreign funding would be raised and managed, Kukke and Shah (http://www.samarmagazine.org/archive/article.php?id=148) claim that a decision was taken not to accept foreign funds, and that all funding needs would be "addressed by the local organisations that had come together to host the event”.

7. Are grassroots organisations represented?

The question of grassroots representation is quite closely tied with those around funding. Organisations working on the ground are usually far more cash-strapped than those that network, train, research or sponsor them, and the former usually (hopefully) spend their money largely on meeting the direct needs of their beneficiaries. Several private foundations did manage to sponsor representatives of grassroots women's organisations to attend the events in Bamako, enabling many to make voices heard that are frequently absent in international 'jamborees'.

Sending representatives to WSF meetings is thus only possible with sponsorship, and again, it is difficult to find information about where to go about applying for travel and accommodation grants. This, together with the fact that air travel within Africa is often prohibitively expensive, leaves grassroots organisations based in the country where the WSF is held. However, the relationships between Northern NGOs and African movements are seldom balanced. According to Njoke Njehu: "Governments tend to listen first to the IFI's and to international NGO's before they listen to their own civil society." (http://www.nigd.org/docs/WSFICHolland2005PolycentricWSF2006)

* Compiled by Karoline Kemp and Patrick Burnett, Fahamu and Joy Olivier, Fahamu volunteer

* Please send comments to [email protected]

Further Links

World Social Forum
www.worldsocialforum.org, www.wsf2006.org
Mali Social Forum
www.fsmmali.org
Indymedia
http://sa.indymedia.org/features/wsfmali2006/
IPS Coverage: http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=31822
Trade Coverage
http://www.icftu.org
Centre for Civil Society
http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs
WSF Youth Conference
http://www.fsmmali.org/jeunes/radio

Plans to send a large contingent of Kenyan campaigners to the African leg of the World Social Forum (WSF) may be undermined by a lack of funding. Since this year's event was brought to Africa, many Kenyans thought they would take advantage of the proximity to attend. But this hope has waned and the number of those expected to attend has dropped due to inadequate resources, including a prohibitive airfare. It's cheaper to fly to Europe, than to Mali, from Kenya.
* Related Link
See http://sa.indymedia.org/features/wsfmali2006/ for the latest news from Bamako.

The African leg of the World Social Forum (WSF) kicks off next week in the Malian capital, Bamako, with a host of issues on the agenda: war and militarism, global trade and debt, to name just a few. The conference website where these topics are listed makes no direct mention of AIDS, however, or the need for good governance in African states - even though these are amongst the key development issues confronting the continent today.

The HIV & AIDS Advisor will work with the Somaliland National AIDS Commission (SOLNAC), and its members, assisting in developing its institutional capacity in overseeing, planning and coordinating the multi-sectoral efforts in addressing HIV & AIDS in Somaliland, including mainstreaming gender and advocacy in HIV & AIDS prevention, care and treatment.

The HIV and AIDS Youth Worker will work alongside GAVO, a local NGO in Berbera, Somaliland, to assist in devising and developing an appropriate response to HIV and AIDS for youth.

Hundreds of Somali refugees have been protesting for almost a week in front of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) premises. With their families and children, they staged a sit-in and expressed their demands for improving their current legal, economic and social living condition. They demanded equal consideration similar to other refugees such as the Ethiopians, whom they claim have better treatment. Yemen hosts a number of refugees from Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan, Iraq and Palestine, along with other small numbers of refugees from other countries.

In a joint appeal of civil society groups towards improving the political position of women in Somaliland, women's civil society groups have noted that the seven women candidates who contested against 239 male candidates in recent elections faced critical obstacles during the campaign and the elections. These included the fact that:

- The selection process left the decision to identify candidates to the male-dominated traditional clan structure hence restricted the chances of many women who expressed interests in running for elections leaving only seven women candidates who were nominated as a token by the three political parties.

- That the patriarchal clan lineage system continues to be the fundamental root of resistance against women’s substantive political participation as women’s capacity for leadership continues to be unrecognized by their clan or their husband’s clan.

- That contrary to their public commitment to women’s empowerment, none of the three political parties pursued affirmative actions that would provide chances to women during the male-dominated campaign.

The World Social Forum 2006 web space has beencreated as a workspace for organisations/ networks/ groups to interact with each other for the purpose of registering and preparing activities in the WSF2006 Polycentric Event or for continued activities in the WSF Process. The deadline to register activities for WSF 2006 is November 15 , 2005 The WSF2006 Polycentric Event is located in Bamako (Mali), Caracas (Venezuela) and Karachi (Pakistan).

Links to websites:

- WSF 2006 Electronic Space: http://www.wsf2006.org/index.php

- Bamako, Mali (January 19th to 23rd): http://www.fsmmali.org/?lang=en

- Caracas, Venezuela (January 23 to 29 ): http://fsainfo.rits.org.br/#

- Karachi, Pakistan (January 23 to 29): http://www.forosocialmundial.org.ve/

- Current listing of registered events: http://www.memoria-viva.org/bdf/listeespaces_es.html

- Main WSF Site: http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/index.php?cd_language=2&id_menu=

- WSF International Council: (http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/main.php?id_menu=3_2_1&cd_language…)

- WSFtools: http://www.wsftools.ras.eu.org/wikini/wakka.php?wiki=ProposalFromBrazil…

- Wikipedia entry on the WSF: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Social_Forum

- For a critical discussion of communication and culture within the WSF see: http://www.nigd.org/docs/MakingTheRoadWhilstWalkingPeterWaterman

In 1991, the Somaliland region decided to unilaterally secede from its parent country Somalia after that country disintegrated into a stateless state ruled by competing warlords and their armies. Since then Somaliland, in the north-west, has held three elections, the latest being on September 29, when 800,000 of Somaliland's estimated 3.5-million people went to the polls. The international community has refused Somaliland's quest for recognition up until now. Election observer Peter Hurst asks if a clearly demonstrated desire for democracy will change the attitude of the international community.

The first notable feature of Hargeisa, the Somaliland capital, is the vast number of blue plastic bags littering the fields outside the airport. They are the by-product of the Somalis’ pastime of chewing qat, a mild stimulant plant. Roadside vendors sell bunches for $1.50 a bag and customers then discard the packaging. It is one of the smaller problems Somaliland has to deal with on its way to becoming a functioning state.

The drive into Hargeisa town centre reveals slightly larger ones. The three sets of traffic lights, looking out of place beside the ragged roads, don’t work even in the long afternoon rush hour, as there is no electricity.

Somaliland, an autonomous region to the north of Somalia, proclaimed itself independent in 1991 after three years of civil war to the south had resulted in the collapse of any functioning state. It has since built institutions and tried to deal with crime and unemployment – all without regressing into dictatorship or anarchy.

Somaliland can now claim to have another feature of a functioning and democratic state, in sharp contrast to Somalia’s capital Mogadishu: on 29 September 2005 it held parliamentary elections, the first in Somalia since before the 1969 coup that brought the dictator Siad Barre to power. Around 800,000 voters went to the country’s 985 polling stations to elect 82 members of parliament from the 246 candidates on offer. It was the culmination of a gradual process: after a 2001 constitutional referendum, 2002 municipal elections, a 2003 presidential election, Somaliland will now have a legislature to balance the leadership of the president, Dahir Riyale Kahin.

There is a two-week delay between the vote and the announcement of the results. The outcome could be a surprise. The president’s Democratic United National Party (Udub) is facing a serious challenge from its main rival KULMIYE. If KULMIYE (Solidarity) fails to win outright, it may form a majority coalition with the Justice & Welfare Party (Ucid). The first reported results, based on a counting of 105 ballot-boxes in Hargeisa, indicate its likelihood: KULMIYE won 40.71% of the votes, Ucid 29%, and Udub 30.25%. An opposition coalition would make Somaliland one of the few African countries where representatives of different parties lead the executive and legislature.

At the same time, all parties are new to the political field and the differences between them are not readily apparent. Most Somalilanders who are asked say they will vote for the president’s party to ensure stability, or for a particular candidate because of clan allegiance. No one mentions policies.

The world’s blind eye

Somaliland’s limited resources are evident in the election’s rudimentary facilities. It is equally striking - although the point is contested by analysts alleging a “rigged” election -that poverty has not destroyed quality of engagement. The main anomaly has been the lack of a voter registering. Somaliland’s investment in its institutions of state has not stretched to a census, any form of citizen registration, or the issuing of passports.

One result is that a Somalilander can vote in any polling station in the country, whether or not he or she lives in or has visited the area. The consequences include a large incidence of attempted multiple voting, though the citizens whose previously inked finger shows up under the ultra-violet light monitor do not look too upset. The good spirits extend to the many disappointed underage voters (wearing t-shirts emblazoned with the logos 2 Pac, 50 Cents and Falluja) who are turned away from polling-places.

In the region of Odweyne, to the east of Hargeisa, ballots and electoral material were not distributed until early evening on the day before the election. Soon after, heavy rain turned the dirt road to mud and left election officials stuck. In some case, material did not reach its destination until election day itself, restricting the time available for voting.

Another major issue has been the lack of a secret ballot. High levels of illiteracy have meant that many voters cannot read the ballot-paper and are not confident using pens to mark their “X”. Their only option is to announce their choice to the local chairperson, who marks the paper, folds it up and hands it to the voter to place in the ballot-box.

Despite these problems, the overriding impression to this observer was that Somaliland’s electoral process has been transparent, with little fraudulent intent, and full of a great enthusiasm for democracy. In an Odweyne polling-station, the first person in the queue was a 70-year-old man who had walked to the station by foot and had been waiting outside since 7pm the previous evening. Everywhere the queues were long and the voters appeared happy.

The problems surrounding the election must be seen in light of the fact that Somaliland has not received anything like the financial or logistical support given to the elections in Afghanistan or Iraq; neither does it have the same levels of disruption through violence. The international community has been of little help in Somaliland’s reconstruction: it still denies Somaliland international recognition, and instead supports a peace process for Somalia which has survived repeated setbacks but is yet to achieve definitive results.

True, the US issued a statement welcoming the election and praising its conduct, and the possibility of some recognition of Somaliland’s existence and integrity cannot be discounted. But it would take only a small fraction of the money invested in Afghanistan and Iraq to improve Somaliland’s democratic record. This small east African land has, after all, succeeded through its own efforts in cultivating the very democratic spirit that the US and its partners have struggled to induce in the Middle East. Will they now pay attention to Somaliland?

* This article first appeared on the web site of http://www.opendemocracy.net, which aims to pioneer a new type of independent media based on exchange and participation. Peter Hurst works as a public policy researcher in London. He was monitoring the elections in Somaliland with the Catholic Institute of International Relations (CIIR) and has previously monitored elections with the OSCE in the Balkans and Eurasia. The election monitoring team was facilitated jointly by Dr Steve Kibble and Dr Adan Abokor of CIIR.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

For too long the policies of developing countries have been based on the priorities of external donors.  Many studies have confirmed that these have often been misguided or inoperable. The structural adjustment years at the World Bank and IMF pushed policies that left the poor and vulnerable even more poor and vulnerable.  A new report from Eurodad finds that the IFIs are still not living up to commitments to opening up policy space in developing countries. The promised poverty and social impact analysis to be done before reforms is not working as it should.

One of Africa's unrecognised countries, Somaliland, held parliamentary elections at the end of September - it's third since it seceded from Somalia and declared independence in 1991. The major setback for the otherwise peaceful state has been lack of international recognition, which has been reserved for fear it might trigger instability in the region. “Please give us credit for being disciplined, self-administering people. It is unfair to keep us away from the world until the warlords in Somalia agree on something. Bringing back Somaliland to former Somalia is like attempting to bring back the former Soviet Union,” said Awil Ali Duale, the finance minister.

A thematic annotated workshop was organized by the UNCHR in Addis to discuss the comprehensive plan for Somali refugees' gap analysis in Ethiopia.
One of the gaps identified was the absence of reliable data on the composition and profile of the Somali refugees in Ethiopia. There were also no specific mechanisms in place for the identification of refugees with special protection needs, including victims of sexual and gender-based violence, partly due to the absence of a reporting system and multi-sectoral referral mechanism.

Early marriage and female genital mutilation (FGM) are widely practiced in impoverished Mali where together they constitute the single biggest threat to the human rights of young girls, according to aid organisations. In the village of Yelimane, 125 km north of Kayes and close to the Mauritanian border, nearly all girls undergo some form of female circumcision before they are married off at puberty. For residents of Yelimane, like many across impoverished Mali, the two violations have become traditional culture. "In Mali, the two forms of human rights abuses most widely faced by children are early marriage and excision," said Berthe Aissanta Bengaly, minister for women, children and the family.

A workshop, held between May 23 and 26, marked the beginning of a partnership between UNESCO, Open Knowledge Network/Jamana Multimedia Cooperative and local communities in research sites across Mali to use ethnographic action research as part of efforts to use combinations of traditional and new information and communication technologies (ICTs) to empower rural women and youth. The methodology is based on the use of ethnographic tools, such as participant observation, field notes, diaries and in-depth interviews, as part of a process of action research, in which participatory investigation forms part of a continuous cycle of ‘planning’, ‘observation’, ‘reflection’ and ‘doing’.

Officials say that in 2001, there were between 45,000 and 70,000 children under 18 orphaned or rendered vulnerable by HIV/AIDS. Failing proper care of such children, the National High Council Against AIDS (HCNLS) believes the number of minors infected could reach 150,000 in 2010.

"The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland (CJPS) condemns, without reservations, recent attempts to use - and misuse - history, to serve narrow political interests. Whether it is the intention or not, the predictable result will be to create conflict, suspicion and animosity among the clans and people of Somaliland, to the detriment of all concerned. The issue has come to the fore because of clashes between the Chair and Vice-Chair of the parliament, disagreements that have become increasingly bitter and vocal."

This post is based at Amoud community-based University in Borama, which is the first institute of higher education to evolve since the end of Somaliland’s period of conflict, operating between the main campus and the new e-Learning Centre in Borama town. This is an exciting opportunity for a resourceful and dedicated individual to assist in the development and management of information systems, the introduction of e-Learning, and offer necessary support and training to users.

"The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland (CJPS) is concerned about the implications for human rights of statements made on 10 May by the Minister of the Interior, Ismail Adan Osman, during a conference to debate a proposed National Human Rights Commission. The comments, given prominent coverage by the local media yesterday, underline the government’s intolerance of criticism, and its determination to control the flow of information that reaches the outside world. The Coalition shares the desire of the government and public in Somaliland to attract international interest and investment. But it believes that sweeping unpleasant facts under the carpet, rather than confronting reality and addressing problems, is detrimental to the interests of Somaliland."

Raabi Yusuf Abdillahi was arrested in January and spent 16 days in Hargeisa central prison for no other reason than the peaceful expression of his political views. Sultan Raabi had advocated a clan gathering to discuss the country’s political future, first at a public gathering and subsequently in a press conference. He was detained although he was never tried or sentenced by a court of law. Government officials told the UN independent human rights expert for Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, who met with Raabi Yusuf in prison in February, that he “had been charged with inciting a rebellion”, but no charges were in fact ever brought, nor any explanations given. Asked to report to the central police station in Hargeisa the day after the press conference, he was told on arrival that he was under arrest. His mobile and the keys to his safe were confiscated. He spent four nights in the station, and was interviewed once by officers from the CID who informed him that he was accused of “incitement”, though they gave no details or evidence.