A little known protest that demands global attention is taking place in a small garden in Cairo, Egypt. Sudanese refugees in Egypt, fed-up with having to endure appalling conditions and the constant abuse of their rights, have camped out near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and are demanding protection from forced repatriation and protection of vulnerable groups. The protest has gained momentum after 19 days and is now estimated to include up to 1200 people. None of the protestors plan on going anywhere. “We will wait here, we will die here. We have no other place to go,” said one women. Photographs of the protest can be seen at http://www.flickr.com/photos/fahamu

Sudanese refugees have been holding a sit-in since September 29th in front of Mustafa Mahmoud Mosque in Cairo’s Mohandiseen district, significantly situated near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). After nineteen days, the demonstration continues to grow larger; one observer counted 600 men and approximately 200 children and the women numbered 400estimated around 1200 people, and refugees say that others continue to join them from as far away as Alexandria and the Sinai. Saturday, the 15th, when refugees who have work are having a day off, the numbers were doubled.

Refugees have listed at least thirteen demands, chief among them protection from forced repatriation (The demonstrators described the current option provided by UNHCR as “compulsory voluntary repatriation”) protection of vulnerable groups, the reopening of ‘closed files’ and eventual resettlement to a third country. Demonstrators point to war in Darfur, violence in Khartoum, landmines and total lack of infrastructure in the South as evidence against claims to safety and stability. They complain of high levels of discrimination and violence against their communities as well as arbitrary detentions here in Egypt. Refugees complain about arbitrary detentions and there are banners with photographs named cases of individuals killed or disappeared in this country. They are particularly disturbed about the lack of protection of unaccompanied minors, the elderly, and unsupported women who head households. They are also worried about sexual abuse of the women and children.

Until about three years ago, UNHCR rejected the majority of applicants for determination interviews, an action contrary to the provision of prima facie recognition under the 1969 OAU Convention. Consequently thousands of cases were closed under “questionable” circumstances, an institutional failure that demonstrators want rectified. Refugees at the sit-in are also worried about sexual abuse, not only of women but of their children as well. Not the least of their complaints is the treatment meted out to them by UNHCR staff, which they describe as arrogant and rude - people recall being greeted by interviewers with remarks such as “Tell me your lies” A woman from Darfur articulates her problems with Egyptians, but she is not talking about any Egyptians, she means an Egyptian woman at UNHCR. Four months ago she went to UNHCR to ask about registering her daughter for school. The UNHCR staff member took her yellow temporary protection card and her passport and has never returned them. The last time she went there to retrieve them, they were reported lost, but no attempt was made to replace even her yellow card.They also reject the notion of “integration into Egyptian society” and the new “four freedoms” legislation, enacted in 2004, which entitles Sudanese and Egyptian nationals to enter each other’s countries without a visa, hold residence, own property, and work. Accepting the four freedoms, they argue, will be tantamount to accepting the authority of the government from which they fled.

They say that black Sudanese are daily exposed to racial discrimination and are afraid to let their children play in the streets. We ourselves observed a group of teenage boystaunting and harassing the demonstrators with slurs such as “black dogs” and other epithets. The refugees are demanding they be sent to a country where they would not face discrimination.
Sudanese refugees from all parts of their country have been arriving in Egypt since the civil war began in 1983. They joined the other 3 million Sudanese migrants who have been settled here for generations. Up until 1995, Egypt operated an “open door” policy to all Sudanese, and UNHCR generally assumed it unnecessary to grant refugee status to new arrivals even though they were fleeing war and persecution. After the 1995 assassination attempt on President Mubarak in Ethiopia, presumed to be facilitated by the Sudanese government, Egypt revoked many basic privileges such as education and healthcare once enjoyed by Sudanese residents and imposed visa and residency requirements on all new arrivals.

Subsequently UNHCR began interviewing individuals to determine their refugee status. Neglecting Egypt’s signatory status to the OAU Convention and working solely under the 1951 Convention definition, interviewers applied appallingly low procedural standards in determining refugee status. (Michael Kagan, 2002, “Assessment of Refugee Status Determination Procedure at UNHCR’s Cairo Office, 2001-2002”, Working Paper No. 1, Forced Migration and Refugee Studies, The American University in Cairo.) Ironically, had the same refugees fled to Uganda or Kenya, they would have received prima facie recognition under Article 2 of the OAU Convention recognizing refugees who have fled from, among other things, civil disorder. Since most “closed files” represent people who are refugees and cannot return, they are relegated to the margins of society, have no valid documents, and risk detention and refoulement (The term refers to forcibly repatriating refugees to a country where they face persecution. The right to non-refoulement is now customary international law).

Since UNHCR has stopped conducting individual status determination interviews, they have been issuing ‘yellow cards’ indicating that the holder is an asylum seeker. A yellow card grants no rights beyond residency and, theoretically, healthcare in extreme emergencies, through CARITAS, UNHCR’s implementing partner. One interpretation of this shift is that UNHCR is rightfully encouraging the Egyptian government to recognize refugees on prima facie basis; another interpretation is that UNHCR will be able to convince all Sudanese to repatriate. The demonstrators are protesting this new arrangement and demanding that they should be individually interviewed for refugee status.

Organization of The Demonstration

A meter-high fence surrounds the park. The refugees have closed off all but one of the entrances to allow their internal security to monitor the crowd. Walkways partition the park into sections for women and children, and men. The perimeter of the park is hung with bold-lettered English and Arabic banners on which are written a variety of slogans. “Attention please: Who will restore our rights?” asks one; “We reject local integration,” and “We are the victims of mismanagement,” read others. The banners include political cartoons and special displays devoted to those who have disappeared or been killed in Egypt.

Upon entering, the deliberate and careful organizational structure inside becomes strikingly clear. All visitors are required to identify themselves to the refugee security, and sometimes to the Egyptian police as well. The refugee security officials are easily distinguished by their red vests and badges. Journalists and students are quickly ushered into the garden and introduced to a media representative who provides copies of their demands. They are then directed to different demonstrators eager to articulate their experiences and complaints; translators are readily provided.

For the large number of people in this relatively small place, the atmosphere is surprisingly tranquil. There is no shouting, just a low murmur and a few crying children set against the background of a congested Cairo street. Multi-coloured sheets are hung up to protect people from the hot midday sun. The park has been kept clean; garbage is regularly collected; mats and blankets cover the ground in a haphazard patchwork. Donations are collected from within the group and food is distributed nightly. People have access to toilets at the mosque across the street and at the homes of sympathetic friends in the area. Some leave for work and personal matters but return to keep the numbers up. Even the leaders leave in shifts.

Three times a day the group’s motivational speakers and morale builders address the group for some 45 minutes. An occasional cheer or round of applause interrupts the otherwise silent crowd that is captivated by the speaker’s commanding voice emanating from the megaphone. He reminds them to “respect this place - it is your community” and “respect the police, they are protecting us.” The speakers instruct them to ignore the people who pass by hurling insults. The demonstrators are to remain within the garden, stay orderly, and avoid violence and rowdy behaviour. The organizers know what went wrong at last year’s protest and are determined not to repeat the same mistakes (In August 2004, an Egyptian NGO, SOUTH, mobilized a group of Sudanese to protest the issue of yellow cards. A meeting was organized with UNHCR at 2p.m. but refugees began arriving at 7 a.m. Around noon, things began to turn violent, police were called and tear gas was used to disperse the crowd. Twenty Sudanese were detained.) They take rightful pride in the dignity and resolve of all who continue to weather the days in this small park, and are quietly celebratory of the unity they have found in their defiance.

The organizing force behind the demonstration calls itself Refugee Voices. According to one spokesperson, the group was "formed by accident" after three leaders of the protest attended a Human Rights and Refugee Law seminar in March. A few weeks later, these three men and some other leaders of the Sudanese community were discussing complaints being voiced by members of their refugee communities. The creation of Refugee Voices was seen as a way to compile and examine the issues facing Sudanese refugees and begin searching for solutions. By mid-September, frustrated by a lack of progress with UNHCR, they decided to take action. A list of grievances was assembled and preparations were made to deliver it to the UNHCR office to be followed by a protest if their demands were not met. This action was planned to coincide with the start of Ramadan in the opening days of October. It was ultimately moved forward after one member of the group broke ranks and, with a separate group, approached UNHCR directly with the list. In response, the others began the sit-in early - on the 29th of September - and have subsequently barred him and his friends from the demonstration.

UNHCR and the Sit-In

During the first days of the sit-in a select group of the organizers had the opportunity to meet with a UNHCR official at the Cairo office, Ahmed Mohsen, the Deputy Protection Officer. One demonstration organizer reported Mr. Mohsen as saying UNHCR is in no position to resolve their demands; “there are 58,000 Sudanese refugees in Cairo and there is no way UNHCR could possibly be there for all of them.” At another meeting, the demonstrators report UNHCR patronizingly lectured them on the 1951 UN Convention and 1969 OAU Convention. UNHCR subsequently closed its offices for the ‘foreseeable future,’ fearing possible violence. After four days of closure, they have now reopened.

Out of fear of reprisals, the refugees refused to give their names to UNHCR at the few meetings they held. There is a palpable distrust of UNHCR and little expectation that their demands will be heeded. They feel that UNHCR is not only ignoring them but undermining their rights. Therefore the demonstrators are focusing their attention more broadly. “We won’t find a solution here. We want the international community to come,” one demonstrator told us, “and bring attention to the real problem here”. Indeed, the first banner at the gates of the demonstration asks in bold English letters, “Where is the international media?”

What’s next?

So far, the only international attention that the demonstration has garnered is from the Sudanese Embassy. The protestors routinely see embassy vehicles circling the sit-in during the day, but at 3 a. m. on 15 October, four men in an embassy car stopped and began distributing alcohol among some refugees. The leaders apprehended the four men and turned them over to the police, who promptly took them away. Refugees unscrewed the rear license plate of the vehicle, and are retaining it as evidence of the encounter. More incidents like this could jeopardize the future of the demonstration, and the refugees worry about how long the police will allow them to stay. One policeman told us that the demonstration “is illegal, but we are being patient”. How long this patience will last is unclear.

When asked about future plans for the sit-in refugees appeared resolved to stay indefinitely even if UNHCR continues to refuse their demands. They say the desperation that brought them here will keep them here. “We will wait here, we will die here,” declared one woman. “We have no other place to go.”

* Refugees Voices has setup an email, [email protected], and are using a website, www.sudaneseonline.org, so that supporters can sign on.

* A continuation of this article will be featured in next week’s edition of Pambazuka News, focusing on UNHCR’s reactions to the demonstration and further developments.

* This article was written by Alex Gomez, Themba Lewis,
Martin Rowe, Assad Khalid Salih, Leslie Sander, Stacy Schafer and Helen Smith. They are students at the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme in Cairo, Egypt.

Panic and fear spread across Brazzaville, capital of the Republic of Congo, on Wednesday as government troops exchanged heavy gunfire with "Ninja" rebels holed up in the Bacongo District of the city. As the fighting raged, residents in the southern part of the city, where Bacongo is located, fled to the safe northern parts of the city. Vehicles heading to the southern city districts were halted temporarily and the state-owned television station in Bacongo only resumed transmission on Wednesday evening.

African Rights has today (19 October) sent a letter to the President of the United Nations Security Council, Ambassador Mihnea Ioan Motoc, to welcome and support the Security Council's statement of 4 October 2005 which deplored the failure of the Forces démocratiques pour la liberation du Rwanda (FDLR) to disarm and repatriate their members peacefully back to Rwanda. On 31 March 2005, the FDLR, composed of Rwandese rebels based in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), declared its intention to demobilize and return its troops voluntarily to Rwanda, following negotiations facilitated by the Sant'Egidio Community in Rome. A deadline of 30 September 2005 was set by the Joint Tripartite Plus Commission comprising the DRC, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, with the African Union, the United Nations and the European Union as observers, and the United States as facilitator.

The Khulumani et. al. v. Barclays et. al. lawsuit goes to court on the 21st of November 2005. The South African Government will file an amicus curiae brief on behalf of the defendants, in other words, on behalf of the corporations and against the people. This is in direct opposition to the amicus curiae briefs signed by the TRC commissioners, South African civil society and labour organisations.

Authors: Tomlinson, K.; Benefield, P.
Produced by: National Foundation for Educational Research (NFER) (2005)

This report examines the existing and potential research into the relationship between education and conflict, peace building and post-conflict situations, both nationally and internationally. The paper investigates the main research dimensions of this area, identifies gaps in the research literature, summarises key findings that emerge from the literature and suggests future areas of research.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, represented by Foreign Affairs State Minister, Dr. Tekeda Alemu and the University for Peace, represented by Rector Julia Marton-Lefèvre have signed a host agreement on Thursday, 1 September 2005 regarding the opening of an office of the university in Addis Ababa. The host agreement will allow the centre of gravity of the Africa Programme to shift to the continent after having been coordinated from Geneva, Switzerland since its conception in 2002. Dr. Jean-Bosco Butera, Director of the Africa Programme, will be managing the development and implementation of the Africa Programme. Addis Ababa was chosen because it is the seat of the African Union (AU) and of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), as well as being the diplomatic capital for Africa.

Follow the link for an evaluation of the Released Prisoners' Project (RPP) in Rwanda, a project financed and facilitated by the Norwegian Church Aid (NCA). This project was initiated in order to help those people who were imprisoned after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda to reintegrate into society after being released from prison. It also aimed to foster dialogue and understanding between people of different faiths and church communities in Rwanda, and to help Rwandan people reconcile with their troubled past and with each other. The project is fairly unique in Rwanda, given its micro-level approach to reconciliation, its collaboration with faith groups, and its focus on reintegration and inter-faith dialogue.

Amnesty International has learnt that the Sudanese Government has launched legal proceedings against one of the country's leading human rights groups Sudan Organisation Against Torture (SOAT) in an apparent attempt to silence the organisation. According to local press reports, Sudan's Bureau of Crimes Against the State began proceedings against SOAT for spreading false information at the end of August but did not inform the organisation. If found guilty, members of the organisation could face more than 5 years in prison.

This is to inform you that on Sunday, 16th October 2005, at around 8:00 pm Ato Daniel Bekele, an Ethiopian citizen and the Policy, Research and Advocacy Manager for ActionAid Ethiopia, was attacked by two armed men. In light of the manner in which this incident took place as well as the statement made by one of the attackers, we have reason to believe that this vicious assault was politically motivated. It is to be recalled that Ato Daniel Bekele was an active member of the Executive Committee of the Network of Ethiopian NGOs and CSOs which monitored the May 15th 2005 election and has expressed his views and opinions in the media during the course of the electoral process.

Communique de presse conjoint: Action Contre l’Impunité pour les Droits Humains/Rights & Accountability in Development

Un an après la commission des crimes contre l’humanité par les troupes des Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) commandées par le Colonel Adémar Ilunga à Kilwa en octobre 2004, les victimes et leurs familles n’ont toujours pas accès à la justice, ont constaté et condamné l’ACIDH et le RAID dans un rapport rendu public.

This article from the United Nations University examines the external and internal dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone. "Although foreign aid is a welcome source of external support for reconstruction efforts, it is finite like any other resource. Reconstruction must also address intangible issues such as corruption as well as the healing of society through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Special Court for Sierra Leone."

The International Justice Tribune reports that it was an unusual week at the International Criminal Court (ICC), with The Hague strangely silent while in New York the UN envoy for the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) revealed the ICC's first arrest warrant. Confusingly, the office of the prosecutor announced a press conference on Friday 7 October in The Hague, only to cancel it. On the same day, it was Kampala who finally made the official announcement. "The [ICC] investigation is complete and the court has taken a decision," the Ugandan defense minister told the news agency IRIN. He said that the ICC has issued arrest warrants against five leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), including its chief, Joseph Kony, vice-commander Vincent Otti, and three lieutenants, Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odhiambo and Dominic Ongwen.

More than two years into the transition in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the peace process remains at risk, states the International Crisis Group. "As many as 1,000 people a day still die from war-related causes - mainly disease and malnutrition, but also continuing violence." The ICG says while the main belligerent leaders are all in the transitional government, their corruption and mismanagement threaten stability during and after the forthcoming national elections, now postponed from June 2005 to March 2006.

Kenya appears to be losing the war against corruption with the country’s perception index continuing on a downward trend, Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index 2005 report has indicated. In a survey conducted by TI in a total of 159 countries worldwide, Kenya is ranked 144th with an index score of 2.1, behind 36 African countries including Robert Mugabe’s debt-ridden Zimbabwe.

This article from Nigeria's The Daily Independent says that when President Olusegun Obasanjo was sworn in in May 1999, he made it clear in his inaugural speech that the fight against corruption would be one of his major programmes. In his speeches and carriage, he has continued to sing the anti-corruption song. One of the first bills initiated by the executive was the one on anti-corruption. The bill has been passed into law as the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act, 2000. The President’s anti-corruption campaign has received a lot of criticisms. Some argue that it is a one-man campaign, which is not likely to succeed. Others contend that the President is not sincere with the anti-corruption crusade.

Thousands of "forgotten refugees" who fled banditry in Central African Republic are running out of food in camps in neighbouring Chad, the World Food Programme (WFP) said. Some 11,000 refugees have poured into arid southern Chad since armed gangs began storming villages across the border in Central African Republic in June, shooting randomly, looting homes and terrorising their inhabitants.

Coming at a time when the G8 summit in Gleneagles, Scotland was a focus of efforts to overcome poverty in Africa, the London bombings sparked a debate about the links between poverty and terrorism. But, asks this article from www.worldpress.org, are the links really tenable? If the prime source of terrorist funds originate from The Arabian Gulf, one of the richest regions in the world, how does it add up that poverty is the major catalyst of terrorism? The article argues that terrorism is alien to the African situation and will struggle to take hold at the grassroots level.

The rational behind this study was to focus on what was perceived to be the most marginalised of the refugee groups, those whose claims to asylum had been rejected, by examining their livelihood strategies. The research questions the prevailing view of refugees as a burden to the host society and attempts to study them as active agents. In this way, it examines the ways refugees contribute to the economy of the host society.

This article argues that the decision of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the Ogoni case represents a giant stride towards the protection and promotion of economic, social and cultural rights of Africans. This is predicated on the African Commission’s finding that the Nigerian Government’s failure to protect the Ogoni people from the activities of oil companies operating in the Niger Delta is contrary to international human rights law and is in fact a step backwards since Nigeria had earlier adopted legislation to fulfill its obligation towards the progressive realization of these rights.

This article argues that Liberia owes a duty under both international humanitarian and human rights law to investigate and prosecute the heinous crimes, including torture, rape and extra-judicial killings of innocent civilians, committed in that country by the warring parties in the course of 14 years of brutal conflict. It then evaluates the options for prosecution, and finally suggests that because the Special Court for Sierra Leone has already started the accountability process for Liberia with the indictment of Charles Taylor in 2003, and given the close links between the Liberian and Sierra Leonean conflicts, the Special Court would be a more appropriate forum for international prosecutions of those who perpetrated gross humanitarian and human rights law violations in Liberia.