To halt the decision to extradite Mozambique’s former Finance minister, Manuel Chang, could be a test case for President Ramaphosa’s long-term ability to bring about real change in South Africa’s regional relations by potentially making it a good example for the fight against corruption.

The author examines the current socio-economic and political situation of Mozambique after 43 years of the country's independence from Portugal. 

Mozambique, a country with a long history of military and political instability, faces on-going economic and political uncertainty. Economically, it continues to be profoundly impacted by the negative consequences of the so-called “hidden loans”. Politically, the sudden death of Afonso Dhlakama, leader of Resistência Nacional de Moçambique (RENAMO), and the emergence of what is being called “Islamic radicalism” in the northern part of the country cast doubt upon Mozambique’s prospects to live under full peace and stability. 

Economic growth proves unsustainable for the Southern African state of Mozambique in present world situation due to financial implications that have been going on for some time now. 

Efforts to end the growing violent conflict in Mozambique have stalled, largely because of the hard line positions taken by the government and the armed opposition group Renamo. There has been an increase in attacks and deaths by Renamo in recent months.

Mozambique, long touted as an African “success story”, is sinking under debt. International lenders and donors have been angered by revelations of at least $2.3 billion in secret loans taken in 2013-4. Inflation is rising and so is the cost of living. The government is clamping down on critics speaking up about the crisis. The future looks uncertain.

The problem in Mozambique is the winner-takes-all politics. If it is possible even to imagine that the president can be from the ruling party FRELIMO and the provincial governors from other parties and vice-versa; if it is accepted that national unity is not necessarily the same as national homogeneity; if the armed opposition RENAMO’s social base is allocated its share of national resources, and the situation of the majority of Mozambicans improves, the country’s conflict will be resolved.

On March 30th, Eva's extradition was confirmed. Lawyers tried to reverse the decision, but were not given enough time to stop the expulsion.

The ‘No to ProSavana Campaign’ has been monitoring the ProSavana Programme. This programme raises many concerns and fears because of the way it was conceived and the negative impacts it has had on peasant agriculture, the environment and human rights.

Circumstances at play in the current political and military crisis raise important questions about the efficacy of the peace building strategy adopted and implemented since 1992. They also raise questions about the responsibilities of both ruling Frelimo and opposition Renamo to maintain peace and stability. What went wrong with Mozambique’s peace building approach?

In 40 years of self-rule Mozambique has undergone drastic political and economic changes, from a socialist one-party state and to a neoliberal democracy. The people of Mozambique have been plunged into – and survived – a civil war, political crisis and now the neoliberal appropriation with high economic growth but persistent poverty.

Africa’s first women’s rights legal framework has the potential to benefit millions of women when governments not only ratify but also ensure its domestication in national laws, with accompanying resources for its implementation.

The 2014 elections were a disappointment for those who had hoped for change. Despite strong opposition from Renamo and the newer Mozambique Democratic Movement, Frelimo maintained the grip on power it has had since independence, despite accusations of serious irregularities. Real alternatives, however, are more likely to come out of Mozambique’s social movements.

Mozambique’s elections on 15 October were once again won by FRELIMO. When the results are put under scrutiny, however, they reveal the longstanding opposition party RENAMO to have been the real winners, bouncing back as Mozambiques strongest opposition party – a position which was seen by many to be under threat from the newer MDM.

Some significant steps have been made around Africa regarding the rights of women since the adoption of the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women in Africa 11 years ago. But some challenges still remain, which require renewed efforts

A well-respected Mozambican academic is facing trial for a comment he made on Facebook critical of President Guebuza. This is flagrant violation of the professor’s freedom of opinion and of expression. Such repression may close down public debate and lead to self-censorship.

A third force has emerged in Mozambican politics, the MDM party that is causing powerful ripples, especially in urban areas and the regions until now marginalised by the ruling FRELIMO party. RENAMO, the main opposition party, is dying. MDM is likely to put a strong showing in October's presidential election because of growing disaffection for the ruling party. But MDM is unlikely to trounce the still well-entrenched FRELIMO

Much has been achieved since the Protocol came into force. But to ensure gender equality and transformation in gender relations between women and men, a comprehensive change that radically alters the status quo of the power relations rather than ad hoc or piecemeal reforms is needed.

Brazil is among the extracting wealth from Mozambique. The southern African nation could soon join the resourced cursed societies, with polluted local environments and a changed structure of peoples’ lives, making them dependent on foreign decisions rather than their own local and national political power

The situation in the country is tense. The government has closed all avenues of dialogue with the main opposition party, which now appears to be contemplating a return to war.