Recently in Zimbabwe, the new administration, which has taken power from Robert Mugabe, has been on an aggressive drive to seek re-engagement with its erstwhile enemies under the aegis or mantra that “Zimbabwe is open for business”. What is yet to be known is to what extent is Zimbabwe opening up to global capital.

The confidence exuding from Zimbabweans that, this time things will be different, is evident in the opposition leadership and its rank. 

President Emmerson Mnangagwa has used all types of media including The New York Times to paint a rosy picture of the current situation in Zimbabwe in order to attract foreign investment. Has really anything changed since Mnangagwa took over four months ago? 

While Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa is trying to convince the world that he is making progress since replacing his mentor, former President Robert Mugabe, a number of Zimbabweans in the diaspora do not agree with his assessment of the current situation in the country. 

The best way to remember the late President of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Morgan Tsvangirai, is to keep his legacy of fighting the rule of law and democratic governance in Zimbabwe. The MDC leadership needs to unite to keep that legacy alive. 

Yash Tandon argues that the late Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change, would be remembered as an enigmatic and emblematic figure for his relentless opposition to the ruling party power elite despite his tribulations. 

Zimbabweans need to do some serious introspection and take control of their destiny. This will require courage and determination on the part of all Zimbabweans. For far too long, Zimbabweans have allowed ZANU-PF to manipulate the electoral process to their advantage by playing the tribal game to capitalise on their numbers and Zimbabweans have fallen for it again and again.

Imperialism is less concerned with human rights and democratic elections in Africa. What really matters is the maintenance of a system that serves their interests no matter how it assumes or maintains power. The same goes for Zimbabwe; what they are interests in is not the new president, but what the West hopes he would do to safeguard their interests. 

(Harare, July 11, 2016) – Over the past 15 years, Zimbabwe's fast track land reform programme has redressed colonial land inequalities and now provides lessons for its neighbours on how to democratise land ownership and broaden economic participation. From July 12-15, various social movements and academics from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, South Africa, Ghana, Spain and Portugal will gather in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare to discuss and debate the state of land, seeds, food, climate and people in Southern Africa. The event is being held under the banner/auspices of Portugal's Popular University of Social Movements, known by its Portutguese acronym, UPMS.

Participants brought enormously disparate and dislocated struggles into one conversation, demonstrating the prominenParticipants brought enormously disparate and dislocated struggles into one conversation, demonstrating the prominence, scale, and impact of current agrarian struggles. The discussions were made all the more crucial in the context of international media’s dominant focus on urban issues and urban struggles, which further supports an impression that contemporary social struggle is an urban phenomenon.ce, scale, and impact of current agrarian struggles. The discussions were made all the more crucial in the context of international media’s dominant focus on urban issues and urban struggles.

It is hoped that the use of this technology will enhance inclusiveness and transparency of the voters’ roll thus contributing to a credible election in Zimbabwe. BVR will give rise to a highly accurate voters’ list which will boost confidence of the electorate in the electoral process.

The exhibition lays bare the human cost of Britain's broken asylum system. The featured asylum seekers were active and successful people in Zimbabwe, but many developed depression, poor health and became destitute in the UK after being forced to live in limbo for too many years.

Zimbabwe’s violent dictator is once again the darling capitalist of the West. The reason is the standard and most simple: Zimbabwe has the world’s second largest reserves of platinum, its uranium production is going westwards and Mugabe has agreed to toe the line on the marketing of the world’s largest ever single field diamond operation, Marange.

Sam was highly regarded for his sharp intellect and rigor. Among the young and old, men, women, children, he was a welcome presence wherever he journeyed. He was warm and kind, going out of his way to assist; he made people feel good; and he loved laughter.

International and Human Rights Watch are asking NGO’s across Africa to join the call to President Robert Mugabe, to investigate and resolve the circumstances around Itai Dzamara’s enforced disappearance. Below is a brief background of Itai Dzamara and the full text of the petition.

The idea of indigenisation speaks to the need to put in place policies that anticipate trouble ahead both as the Ghanaian economy becomes more dependent on oil and as land resources dwindle relative to the growing population, projected to more than double to 60 million by 2050.

Mugabe’s infamous homophobia employs the same logic as racism. Nor is it any different from the extremism of Al Shabaab or Boko Haram, because rather than foster understanding and mutuality it can only lead to mayhem and violence. Contrary to his claims, his views do not represent Africa in its past, present or future.

35 years after the union jack came down at Rufaro Stadium, a generation of young Zimbabweans are asking questions about, and forging their own, narratives and are re-imagining Zimbabwe. Who re-imagines Zimbabwe, for whom and for what, are going to be important questions as the country struggles to emerge from crisis.

In the months prior to his abduction, Dzamara had led a number of peaceful protests against the deteriorating political and economic environment in Zimbabwe, demanding the resignation of President Mugabe.

There was no basis whatsoever to kill non-combatant prisoners. Killing was never an option.