As the increasing military tension in the Horn of Africa threatens to escalate into a new war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, the 53-member African Union (AU) plans to establish its first-ever standing army sometime next year. The proposed African Standby Force (ASF) - to be set up with logistical support from Western nations - is designed primarily for military and peacekeeping missions in the war-ravaged continent.

A group is protesting their arrest in a government crackdown against suspected members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) who have been blamed for the massacre in Turbi in Kenya's Marsabit district. More than 100 people were killed and hundreds left homeless. "It is quite questionable to accuse these people of being unlawfully in the country when the Kenya government is fully aware of their presence for the past three decades and the same government is the one that settled them in Badasa together with the UNHCR," a letter to the Immigration Minister written by the Marsabit Catholic diocese says. The refugees don’t deny their Ethiopian nationality, but say they have married Kenyans. Some have their children working with the government. Others are studying in Kenyan schools – both primary and secondary. Yet others are in local colleges and universities.

The election of a new government in Burundi has not brought an end to human rights violations by all sides in the country’s brutal civil war, Human Rights Watch has announced. Human Rights Watch has documented torture and summary executions in the ongoing war in a new report, “Burundi: Missteps at a Crucial Moment.” “The armed conflict in Burundi is no excuse for torture and summary execution,” said Alison Des Forges, senior adviser to the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch. “The government and the rebels alike must abide by their obligations under international law to treat anyone in their custody humanely.”

Mauritanian refugees in Senegal and Mali have launched new efforts to pressure the regional governments to resolve the protracted plight of the thousands of stateless black Mauritanians who were expelled from their country in 1989 through a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing.

Skilled public servants in Zimbabwe have seen their wages rendered almost worthless by runaway inflation. Since 2000, a further economically important group of migrants has been white farmers - government policy changes led to the seizure of 4,000 white-owned farms. But far greater numbers of Zimbabweans felt the heavy hand of government with the launch this year of Operation Murambatsvina, the urban clean-up that the UN says left 500,000 people homeless.

Representatives of the Sudanese refugee community living in Mboki in the Central African Republic returned to Tambura on a 'go-and-see visit,' organized by the UN refugee agency in order to give the refugees themselves the opportunity to assess the situation in their home country and villages, rather than have to rely on what others tell them. Their four-day stay in Tambura is the first such go-and-see visit organized by UNHCR to southern Sudan. Thus, in some ways, it heralds the start of the organized repatriation of refugees to Sudan.

What started as a trickle of refugees to Ghana after the outbreak of the civil war in Liberia in 1989 became a flood of thousands which led to the creation of the Buduburam settlement, now one of West Africa's largest refugee camps. While the world watches the election race in Monrovia, the question in Buduburam is how many refugees will return. About 2,500 people have already returned under a voluntary repatriation agreement signed in October 2004 by Ghana, Liberia and the UNHCR. However, many are reluctant, recalling a previous 1997 repatriation which saw 4,000 refugees leave Buduburam only to return when hostilities broke out again. This time, the refugees want to see how the new president, whoever is elected, settles in before they make a move.

With the deepening political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire raising fears of a return to all-out conflict, the country’s estimated 500,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) face an increasingly precarious future. Many UN agencies and NGOs in the country have been finalising contingency plans for the “worst case scenario” entailing massive displacement and refugee flows into neighbouring countries. But while humanitarian agencies may be preparing for new and visible displacements on a large scale, existing IDPs are generally neglected and in an extremely vulnerable situation.

More than 500 refugees have broken loose from the refugee camp at Krisan in the Nzema East District of the Western Region and crammed into an area at the Elubo border citing poor feeding and accommodation conditions. The refugees, who are from 10 countries in Africa, claimed it was an attempt to draw international attention to their plight. However, the UNHCR, responsible for assisting governments to protect and take care of refugees and the National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO), which has oversight responsibility for the management of the refugee camp had dismissed the allegations.

Presidents Robert Mugabe and Thabo Mbeki have made a secret pact to train black pilots for South Africa while easing whites out of the SA Air Force (SAAF). An informed source with the Air Force of Zimbabwe (AFZ), speaking on condition of anonymity, revealed this week that 14 experienced instructors, led by Group Captain Chasakara, would leave shortly for South Africa. It is understood that they have been seconded to the SAAF to undertake a comprehensive two-year training programme aimed at beefing up the numbers of black pilots.

Exploring genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) (http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29835) and an examination of security and resource issues fuelling conflict in the Great Lakes region (http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=30071) have been the subjects of two recent articles in Pambazuka News. In the third contribution to the discussion of the region, Ndung'u Wainaina examines the challenge of post-conflict reconstruction in the Great Lakes region: “Immediate concerns can be identified as ending existing ongoing conflicts, putting in place measures to prevent new ones, laying the ground for building sustainable peace and planning on post conflict reconstructions,” he writes.

Many people have argued that countries in the Great Lakes region are in perpetual conflict and disintegration by virtue of their ethnic composition. But in some cases, ethnic diversity is actually a blessing in disguise depending on the political ideology and level of societal socialisation, although this does not in any way mean that ethnicity has not caused havoc. Many countries in West Africa and the Great Lakes are however driven to war not due to their ethnic diversity. Other critical factors have contributed to the conflicts in the Great lakes region.

Conflict is inextricably related to poverty and human development. When a whole segment of society is excluded from socio-economic and political activities, there is every reason for that section to group and wage a war for recognition. Secondly, inequitable sharing of valuable natural resources fuels conflicts. It is self-evident that wherever in Africa there are minerals or such other lucrative resources, conflicts are ignited. Conflicts have turned into cover-ups for looting, corruption and supporting local dictatorships by both local and international actors.

Thirdly, a sustainable democracy is about functioning, independent and democratic institutions. People are able to vent their concerns through these institutions. Finally, as argued above ethnic diversity in itself provides little impetus to conflict. However, a polarized society based on other factors is more likely to break into a civil war. Such issues as historical discrimination and grievances, sharing of national wealth, social exclusion in decision-making processes, widespread atrocities against a group at the hands of another etc. can easily spark conflict.

In an attempt to address conflicts in the Great Lakes and Horn of Africa, immediate concerns can be identified as ending existing ongoing conflicts, putting in place measures to prevent new ones, laying the ground for building sustainable peace and planning on post conflict reconstructions. Here the focus should take both national and sub-regional dimensions since as much as the conflict may be internal; it has tremendous cross border effects. Moreover, future political stability and democracy is achieveable via sustainable capacity building of personnel and leadership, institutional transformations, developing progressive post-conflict rehabilitation, a reconstruction and development agenda and the adoption of good governance practices.

A desire for justice and accountability is crucial for the processes of restoring peace, security and post conflict reconstruction in the Great Lakes. Civil society has a great role to play in this process. Addressing atrocities in a time of transition poses a fundamental challenge and yet it is extremely significant in avoiding future conflicts and autocratic dictatorships. Due to the cross border nature of some of the conflicts in this sub-region, the possibility of establishing accountability mechanisms that transcend borders may be an option in the future.

It is important for any justice and accountability mechanisms to be open and democratic through wide consultations with the relevant stakeholders and for decisions to be made in a transparent manner. Further these mechanisms have to be designed in a comprehensive and holistic way. These issues are crucial in avoiding discontent and thwarting any attempts to create an impunity gap. Civil society participation in the pre-transition consultations is fundamental in ensuring that final transitional decisions are not determined and conditioned by parties to the conflict.

Local and regional civil society initiatives in partnership with the international civil society community are very critical in providing technical assistance and expertise to countries emerging from such conflicts. One such role may involve bringing together stakeholders in each country, in consultation with neighbouring expertise for input, to develop an appropriate national strategy of pursuing justice and reconciliation policies as a way of cementing the move to democracy. However, such initiatives should be mutually reinforcing. For practical proposes such initiatives could explore mechanisms for establishing truth about the conflict in a non-judicial fora, crafting reparation policy for victims, transforming institutions, initiating vetting processes and formulating progressive socio-economic programs that guarantee equality and inclusion.

Collaboration initiatives in advancing post conflict accountability and securing lasting peace are an essential component in achieving the implementation of emerging international justice and accountability mechanisms as well as charting national policies and institutional responses. Further, signed peace agreement frameworks have created openings for further negotiations and consultations in stabilizing and institutionalizing the rule of law.

International intervention across the Great lakes region in post conflict situations is critical in providing basic information on experiences and lessons learned elsewhere; capacity building; technical expertise, especially in legal matters; information and database construction; and the mobilization of human and financial resources. In devising post conflict reconstruction programs, international obligations should be observed, particularly in relation to international human rights and humanitarian laws.

In order to avoid accusations that the international community captured the local initiatives, the intervention should be designed to strengthen local expertise and capabilities. The creation of a peace building commission and human rights council within the United Nations framework means more responsibility. For instance, the UN was requested to facilitate transitional mechanisms in the post conflict Burundi situation. As the Great Lakes and Horn of Africa region undergo transition, the civil society role in these areas is crucial, as issues of accountability and justice have become an integral part of the transition worldwide.

* Ndung'u Wainaina is a Transitional Justice Fellow and Co-founder of the International Center for Policy and Conflict, a Nairobi-based Transitional Justice Initiative.

* Please send comments to

The self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, on Tuesday embarked on its first ever disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programme designed to reduce the number of its military personnel, officials said. The DDR intitiative, which is supported by the UN Development Programme (UNDP), is expected to cut the number of Puntland's security forces by 1,000 by the middle of 2006 and save funds to finance development projects.

Truck after truck rumbles over the border at the dusty frontier town of Mugano, each crammed with Burundian refugees returning from Tanzania. For the 464 people in this latest repatriation convoy, it’s a bitter-sweet homecoming. Joy at leaving the crowded refugee camps in eastern Tanzania is tempered by trepidation over starting anew in their former communities – communities they fled to escape rape and massacre. But many also come home to discover their land has been occupied by former neighbours or the government.The land problem may be the most combustible issue facing the new government headed by former Hutu rebel leader Pierre Nkurunziza.

"The International Secretariat of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) is gravely concerned by the situation of 1500 Sudanese refugees who, since 29th September 2005, have been living in front of the UNHCR offices in Cairo, protesting the fact that their request for resettlement was frozen following the signing of the recent peace accord between the Sudanese government and the South People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). According to the information received, the police have repeatedly arrested and confiscated their identity papers given to them by the UNHCR, and they have also been subjected to violence. Furthermore, the refugees have been stigmatised by the press."

A federal High Court judge upheld a lawsuit by two amputees to lift the asylum granted to former Liberian ruler and warlord Charles Taylor by the Nigerian government. The decision represents a stirring victory for those who have sought to bring Taylor to justice and a setback for the Nigerian government, which has given Taylor protection and intervened in court to quash the suit. Taylor was indicted by the UN-mandated Special Court in Sierra Leone in March 2003 on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity for his role in contributing to the murder, rape, and mutilation of thousands in Sierra Leone. Taylor funded and orchestrated much of the violence against civilians during Sierra Leone's decade-long civil war, and pioneered the exploitation of child soldiers to undertake heinous acts. Since August 2003, when he was granted asylum, Taylor has resided in a private compound in the Nigerian city of Calabar.

"We, the undersigned CSOs, have followed closely recent actions by the Ministry of Education and Culture (MOEC) to curtail activities of HakiElimu. We fail to see the justification and legal basis for MOEC actions. We view these actions as a threat to CSOs in Tanzania to enjoy their rights and fulfill their responsibilities. We call upon the Ministry to reconsider its decision, lift the interdiction on HakiElimu, and reaffirm the fundamental freedoms and roles of CSOs. Tanzania has made considerable progress in promoting good governance in recent years. The Government has taken deliberate steps to open up space for stakeholders to effectively participate in national policy processes. The measures taken against HakiElimu threaten to undermine the considerable progress that has been made."

The U.N.-backed court for war crimes in Sierra Leone is making major strides toward ensuring justice for serious crimes committed during the eleven-year war in Sierra Leone, Human Rights Watch said in a report issued November 1. The devastating conflict, which lasted from 1991 until 2002, was characterized by brutal human rights abuses committed by all warring factions. The 46-page report, "Justice in Motion: The Trial Phase of the Special Court for Sierra Leone," evaluates the conduct of the court during trials, which began last June. "The Special Court has broken new ground with practices to promote fair trials, protect witnesses and make justice accessible to Sierra Leoneans," said Elise Keppler, counsel with Human Rights Watch's International Justice Program. "The Special Court is setting benchmarks that other tribunals can look to."

Almost half of the European Union’s countries restrict health care for asylum seekers to emergencies only, a study comparing health care in 25 countries has shown. Medical screening also varies widely between the countries, with little more than half providing mental health screening, say researchers.

This article from the September 2005 edition of the journal Development explores how the assault on public institutions in the last two or three decades have created destabilizing conditions with particular reference to health and education. It suggests that the IFIs acknowledge the deficiencies of their early policies and even the Bush administration includes them in its Millennium Challenge Accounts. It looks at what happens in health and education during conflict in order to illustrate how poorly designed policies lead to tragic results.

In anticipation of renewed fighting with rebel forces, the Ivorian government is recruiting Liberian children alongside hundreds of other former combatants in Liberia’s civil war, Human Rights Watch says. Since September, Ivorian army officers and Liberian former commanders have been conducting a recruitment drive seeking ex-combatants in Liberian towns and villages bordering Côte d’Ivoire. “The Ivorian government is bolstering its military manpower by recruiting children who fought in Liberia’s brutal civil war,” said Peter Takirambudde, executive director of the Africa division of Human Rights Watch. “The international community must do all it can to ensure that these children are demobilized and that their recruiters are prosecuted.”