On July 2007 the ordinary Assembly of Heads of State of the African Union will meet to discuss the nature of the continent’s integration agenda and the progress that has been made. This is the next, and probably the most important step to date in what started off as a desire to create continent-wide ministerial portfolio and has now grown into a full-scale drive to establish a Union government for the continent. This intergovernmental forum will assess the state of the Union and attempt to map a way forward in terms of nature, scope and time frame of a continental arrangement. In the lead-up to the grand debate there has been substantial consultation among interested parties at country and regional level across aimed at soliciting and articulating the views of the African people on the proposal for a continental government.

It is within this context that civil society groups met in Midrand, South Africa to first and foremost reaffirm the need for broad based consultation and input of the peoples of Africa. The meeting underlined the importance of the Pan African Parliament in seeking out and representing the views of their constituencies in the matter. The meeting stressed the primacy of democracy and rights-based governance. The groups also emphasized the need for governments to facilitate the input of their citizens on the issue. Of equal importance was the free movement of citizens of the continent through the abolition of visa requirements as well as exploring mechanisms for economic sustainability.

Nigerian civil society groups echoed these views when they met in May. The meeting concluded that whereas the idea of a Union government was desirable, there were challenges that needed to be overcome before the vision became a reality, such as common political and cultural values, identity, citizenship integration and state power. Again the issue of democracy and human rights was highlighted as an area of grave concern, and although fora such as theirs were taking place there was a need for greater attention to maintaining the vital link between the leaders and the people they represent in as far as the latter’s views were expressed and taken into consideration. Needless to say, this is a major challenge given that there still is a dearth of true democratic representation on the continent.

In June civil society groups in Kenya met to discus the proposed union government. In addition to echoing calls for greater attention to democracy, governance, human rights and free movement and economic participation for citizens across the continent, the meeting called for public access to information about the process, principles of good governance within the AU and African peoples sovereignty over the continent’s natural resources.

Debate in Ghana focussed on the institutional implications of the Union Government, as well as the need for the people of Africa to participate fully in the process. Concern was raised about foreign interest in the process, as well as the risks inherent in modelling western constructs of integration. As one speaker put it, “if indeed Africa has to come together in a continental and economic bloc, we all have to go back to school and unlearn what we have learnt in order to connect top the peculiar circumstances of Africa”.

Two schools of thought seem to emerge in the discussion. One favours a rapid formation of a Union government as a clear sign of intent and determination that will drive the process on. In other words, the political will involved in forming the union will provide the necessary impetus to ensure success of the venture, and advance the goal of a United States of Africa from a nebulous dream cherished since the heady beginnings of Pan-Africanism to a concrete reality. The other seems to favour a more gradual process based on strengthening the existing framework of the AU to ensure before creating a full-fledged United States of Africa. This school of thought is cognisant of the shortcomings of the AU as it exists today, and the challenges faced even at the level of regional economic communities in trying to forge greater integration.

African scholar Demba Moussa Dembele point to the lack of political will as evidenced by numerous agreements on regional integration dating back as far as thirty years that still remain unimplemented. He attributes this to a lack of willingness of leaders to put the interests of the continent above the personal and national. It is however impossible to have this discussion without considering the legitimacy of Africa’s leaders and whether their authority stems from the their own people. Dembele mentions external and internal factors that challenge the process, and states that the external factors both take advantage of, and aggravate the internal ones. He emphasizes the need for a leadership that both listens to its citizens and stands up to foreign domination.

At the Kenyan consultation forum Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem stated “it is better to have imperfection with ownership than perfection without any ownership”, underlining the primacy of the African peoples in the process. Whereas not all governments provide a voice for their people, other equally important channels continue to open up, through various national and trans-national civil society groupings that are increasingly articulating the views of the people. These channels must be encouraged and given voice. Whereas there have been various consultations, clearly this is by no means sufficient or widespread enough as far as the continent is concerned. Suffice it to say that there is a commonality of views raised at these meetings in terms of the issues affecting the rest of the continent

The debate has begun already and the voices of the people clearly say that they must lead and the governments follow on the road to a United States of Africa.

Useful links and Further Reading:

1. Grand Debate on the Union Government

2. Pambazuka News AU Monitor
http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/
3. Communiqué from Kenyan Public Forum to popularise and inform the Government’s position on the AU proposal on Continental Government.

5. Involve the masses in the fight for African unity. Dr. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem
http://www.africa-union.org/comments.htm
6. The Untied States of Africa: The Challenges. Demba Moussa Dembele

8. Africa needs to look at the past to forge ahead. Dr. Mammo Muchie
http://www.africa-union.org/comments.htm
10. Afrimap – Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project http://www.afrimap.org/research.php

* Joshua Ogada works with Fahamu and is Links and Resources editor of Pambazuka News
** Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR) has released a quarterly update on the campaign on the Popularization, Ratification, Domestication and Implementation of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa.

The protocol entered into force on 25 November 2005, 30 days after the 15th ratification by Togo on 26 October 2005. As at March 2007, 43 countries had signed the protocol and 20 had ratified it. The number of ratifications shows a minimal improvement from the same time last year. Despite the tremendous work that has been done by the numerous rights groups across the continent, advocating for the rights of women, there still remain obstacles to their achievement. The report clearly demonstrates that whereas the ratification of the protocol as an all encompassing and legally binding document is paramount, there are many fronts on which the battle for the equal rights for women must continue to be fought. In the first quarter of the year, several countries and themes have come under the spotlight.

The continuing civil strife on several fronts across the continent has exacerbated the lot of women and children, leaving them even more open to exploitation and abuse. Furthermore, the absence of legitimate governing structures has precluded the possibility for legislative moves towards the ratification and implementation of the Protocol. Even in relatively stable countries there has been the usual reticence to ratify the protocol. In countries like Ethiopia, for instance, the view of the government has been that those self-same rights and principles are already enshrined in the social contract.

This however, has not prevented the continued abuse of women. Female genital mutilation has been in the spotlight and there is growing condemnation of the practice that remains a deeply rooted cultural practice in many countries. Other fronts in the effort are greater political participation, strengthening of legislation to protect women from abuse, and training in gender equality at all level of government
Other countries have raised legal reservations to elements in the Protocol and, to their great credit, civil society groups have actively engaged with governments to free these bottle-necks, with promising results thus far.

Since the beginning of the year there have been several fora at which the protocol has been actively promoted by groups such as SOAWR. Among these are the World Social Forum, the Sub-regional Workshop for North Africa, the Conference on Domestic Violence, the African Civil Society Forum and the Conference on the Status of Women.

Whereas progress has been encouraging thus far, it is clear that the impetus must not be lost in the ratification of the protocol, without which there lacks a comprehensive and all-inclusive legal framework within which the campaign for gender equality can operate in Africa.

The rising death toll from on-going land clashes in Kenya and the apparent inability of the government to protect the lives of its citizens attests to the complex nature of the underlying problem. To date, 147 people have been killed and an estimated 60,000 have been left homeless, by the violence that has gripped the slopes of mount Elgon in Western Kenya.

To be sure, the government does indeed have the wherewithal to quell the conflict and disarm all parties involved, as evidenced by the swift and effective, if not brutal, suppression of political dissent in recent times.

The issue of land is a contentious one right across the continent. In Zimbabwe, the government’s land redistribution programme has triggered violence and adversely affected food production. In post-apartheid South Africa land redistribution has been ongoing. Although some land-claims have been settled, there is still a significant lobby by those who remain landless. In other instances, land clashes have been a result of population growth, environmental degradation and an increased need to rationalize land tenure regimes. Pastoralist and agricultural land-use practices vie for increasingly scarce land.

In Kenya, the government’s centralised control of land distribution and registration has been highly politicized, leading to frequent conflagrations, such as the current one. At independence, the government assumed control of large tracts of arable land. Some of these were distributed through settlement schemes which sought to distribute parcels fro subsistence farming to those without land. Others were retained by the government through the parastatal Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC) whose purpose was to support the country’s agricultural production and through large scale farming.

The economic declines of the recent years and the subsequent state divestment gave way to selling off of these lands that were previously controlled by government. In the process, land became an instrument of political patronage, much like the case of Zimbabwe.

With increasing political dissent, the Moi regime began to trade land for political support, allocating it to influential individuals and to groups whose support the government needed. Whilst in some instances, the land redistribution exercise targeted deserving groups; in other cases it alienated groups who felt they had been denied land to which they had historical claim. In the 90’s clashes broke out in the Rift Valley between the maasai and other groups whom they perceived as interlopers who had settled on land that was historically theirs.

The common thread linking past land conflicts in Kenya is that they tend to flare up at times of intense political activity such as elections. Given the strong influence of ethnicity and clannism in Kenyan politics, it has been convenient for politicians to use land distribution as a bargaining tool or a rallying point.

The self-styled Sabaot Land Defence Force (SLDF) purports to fight for the land rights of the Sabaot community who inhabit the Mount Elgon region in western Kenya. Their campaign of violence has left hundreds dead and thousands more evicted from land that had been allocated by the government for settlement. This is no departure from the form-book of previous clashes that have been witnessed in Kenya in the last 30 years.

The government is complicit in the violence and terror against its own citizens. There have been accusations of direct or indirect government involvement in the violence that has plagued the area. This is not the first time that aspersions of this nature have been cast, especially given the well-orchestrated way in which the present and past attacks have been carried out.

At a more significant level, until such time as government reviews land policy, the system will remain open to manipulation and exploitation for political gain. A clearly defined land policy will go a long way in poverty eradication by ensuring a means of subsistence. Furthermore, land ownership provides access to credit for the poor.

As long as the current inequalities exist and the economic vulnerability of populations provides a means of control, not only in Kenya, but across the continent, governments’ commitment to human development will be schizophrenic at best.

Further Reading: Land Tenure and Administration in Africa: Lessons of Experience and Emerging Issues. International Institute for Environment and Development & Food and Agricultural Organization. 2006.

Land tenure and conflict in Africa: Prevention, mitigation and reconstruction. African Center for Technologies. 2004. http://www.acts.or.ke/pubs/reports/Land%20Tenure.pdf

Weapons of Mass Underdevelopment

On Wednesday April 4, the world celebrated International Mine Awareness Day. It has been a little over eight years since the International Mine Ban treaty, better known as the Ottawa Convention, came into effect. Although the treaty was opened for signatures on the 5th of December 1997, it only came into effect when Burkina Faso became the required fortieth signatory on the 1st of March 1999. In Africa, the event was marked with festivities in Angola, DRC, Eritrea, Kenya, Mauritania, Sudan and Western Sahara.

To date, there are still 13 countries who are not state parties to the treaty, and either actively produce, or have the capability to produce anti-personnel land-mines, the most notable of which are the United States, China, India and Russia. The total number of land-mines still stock-piled by the non-parties is a staggering 160 million. At the receiving end, in the period 2005-2006, a total of 58 countries reported new victims of all types of landmines and explosive remnants of war. This paints a chilling portrait of the devastating and lasting effects of the enterprise. The issue of land-mines and unexploded ordnance has not featured prominently in the media, since the late Princess Diana made it her cause célèbre, and yet these killers account for between 15,000 and 20,000 deaths and injuries every year (Landmine Monitor Report 2006), according to official statistics. Although still unacceptably high, this figure is down from 26,000 ten years ago, thanks to multi-lateral efforts around the globe and the cessation of hostilities in countries such as Angola and Mozambique, who accounted for a significant percentage of the casualties on the continent.

The spread of land-mines and other weapons in Africa can be contextualized within the post-colonial state building exercise of the 60s and 70s and the ensuing Cold War that made the continent a playground for competing influences. The instability that has characterized most countries of the continent can be traced to internal tensions fuelled by the Cold War and the vast stockpiles of leftover weapons. Even in countries that have been lucky to avoid major armed conflict such as Kenya, unexploded ordnance from foreign military training sites continues to destroy the lives of citizens.

Like landmines, small arms and light weapons (SALW) continue to threaten development on the continent at a social political and economic level. Conservative estimates put the worldwide circulation of SALW at a staggering 500 million. West Africa alone accounts for seven million, with similar numbers in the Great Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa. The deadly difference between the landmines and SALW is the latter's durability and re-use value, as exemplified by the ubiquitous AK-47 rifle. These weapons continue to threaten democracy and development on the continent.

The prolonged conflict in the DRC can be attributed to, among other factors, the means to challenge the state's monopoly of violence. This has compromised the role of elections as the only means of power transfer. The post-election period remains tense in the DRC, due to the continued presence of disaffected and armed groups. In Nigeria, the spectre of violence looms large, not to mention the low intensity conflict that continues to rage in the Niger Delta. Cote d'Ivoire, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda are but a few other hot-spots on the continent.

Countries such as South Africa, Kenya and Ghana are at peace but still bear the social cost of SALW. Illegal arms flooding the black market from nearby conflict areas are fuelling crime and challenging the ability of the state apparatus to protect the livelihoods of citizens. The state of insecurity has a negative impact on the economy, the effects of which are invariably felt by the poor. When economic growth suffers as a result of costs associated with crime, a vicious cycle kicks in and the latter grows as more people are driven to illegitimate means of survival.

The arms trade is governed by supply and demand. Although South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya, to name but a few, are manufacturers of arms, the supply side is overwhelming from Europe, the US and Asia. Demand remains high on the continent, where political traditions still favour strong militaries to bolster unpopular governments that use force against their own citizens.

This is an election year on the continent. One would think this would stir feelings of hope, excitement and the sheer exhilaration at the prospect of peaceful change and the exercise of democratic rights. Sadly, these feelings are more often than not replaced with fear and resignation that the vicious cycle will go on.

Further Reading:

International Mine Information Network

UN Protocol on the Explosive Remnants of War
http://untreaty.un.org/English/notpubl/26_2d_E.pdf

Small Arms in Africa Briefing
http://www.cdd.org.uk/resources/papers/smallarmsmusah.htm

UNIDIR Scoping Study 2006
http://tinyurl.com/2tll92

UNDP: Development Held Hostage
http://tinyurl.com/yo6dx8

Human Security Gateway: Small Arms Survey
http://www.humansecuritygateway.info/data/item996551786/view

UNDP/ SEESAC SALW Awareness Support Pack
http://www.seesac.org/reports/SASP%202%20handbook.pdf

World TB Day on March 24 has passed with much fanfare about drug regimes and increases in treatment. But little has been said about the broader health issues that continue to go unaddressed. The symptoms of the health crisis that faces the continent are only partially dealt with.

Health status is influenced by socioeconomic factors as well as health delivery services. In Africa, declining economies and growing poverty levels have led to a drop in the health status of the population. The HIV pandemic, as well as the persistent ravages of diseases such as malaria, has been exacerbated by poverty-associated malnutrition and unhealthy life-styles.

Experiences in Africa thus far continue to manifest the impact of structural adjustment programmes of the past, which failed and were largely discarded, but whose rationale continues to underpin policy-making.

The economic decline, occasioned by these programmes and other systemic factors, has also reduced the resources available for public spending. Along with social services and education, health care has born the brunt of the cut-backs instituted by governments Shrinking budgets, coupled with increased demand for health services and the rising cost of health care have plunged African health care regimes into chaos, necessitating urgent reforms. Sekwat (2003) adds that the inadequate resource mobilization is further complicated by the inefficient use of the existent resources.

The process of privatisation as a means of cutting public spending has an exclusionary effect that runs counter to the drive for equity and social justice. By privatising health services, elements thereof in effect exclude those who are not able to pay for it, and in most instances need it most. Public-private partnerships have met with limited success because of structural incompatibilities between the sectors.

A feature of health care reform in Africa has been the introduction of user fees for services. In this scenario, the cost of health care is shared between the state and the public. The reality is that whereas this has succeeded in raising revenue for the sector, it has placed an even greater burden on the meagre resources of the poor, and completely excluded those without the resources. The fallacy of the approach is evident in studies that have shown an increase in efficiency in health care delivery by measuring the level of waiting lists at health facilities. The reality is that those who cannot afford health care are simply not getting it.

There has been a recent move away from cost-sharing in the form of user fees, which have tended to prevent the poor from accessing health services. Sekwat (2003) points out that user fees have a particularly negative effect on adherence to mid and long-term treatment regimes. This is especially dangerous when dealing with diseases like tuberculosis.

Although a study of health policies in Africa reveals an emphasis on social justice and equity, the realities of implementation have tended to militate against this. Budgetary efficiency has often meant doing only what is possible within budgetary allocations. Health care has frequently received allocations well below the requirements, although countries like South Africa are making positive steps towards improving this. The drive for efficiency in resource utilization has met with limited success because most of the inefficiencies tend to be systemic rather than unique to the health sector.

One noble effort has been to shift more resources to broader basic health-care, with the view to early detection and treatment of health problems before they become more dangerous and costly to treat. However, the problem has been that doing this has necessitated redeploying resources from the secondary and tertiary systems. This problem has recently come up in South Africa where the Western Cape finance department has proposed cutting allocations to two major referral hospitals in order to increase capacity in secondary facilities. Whereas the secondary facilities are better able to serve the community, it substantially strains the tertiary system.

Examples such as the foregoing tend to call into question the ideological underpinnings of health policy. Whereas the provision of basic health care to benefit the poor is beyond reproach as a policy, should it mean that the poor only have access to primary health care? Rather the system should be designed to accommodate all people at all levels. Stierle et al point out the provision of health care to the poor is further hampered by lack of clear definitions of who is 'poor' or 'indigent' and therefore eligible for free health care. These are issues that need urgent attention if the health system is to serve in an equitable manner.

The lack of skilled personnel continues to be a problem in reforming the health sector. Furthermore the ability of the public health sector to retain these personnel is still a major challenge, which can only be overcome through better remuneration and working conditions. Needless to say, this is not achievable unless there is more budgetary allocation to health services.

The process of health care reform requires a multi-sectoral approach and a firm grounding in the broader principles of social justice and equity. Any process of reform needs to be sensitive to the most vulnerable, without creating structural imbalances that negatively impact sustainability.

Futher Reading:

Africa Action position paper: Hazardous to Health

Ambrose,S. 2006. Preserving disorder: IMF policies and Kenya's health care crisis http://www.wpro.who.int/NR/rdonlyres/B2E65CFE-C098-4281-9FF4-967DFEB22069/0/RC53_INFDoc1.pdf

"Brain-drain", or the loss of skilled professionals to other parts of the world, is a major contributor to the slow pace of development on the African continent. According to estimates by the International Organization for Migration, the continent was already losing in excess of 20,000 skilled individuals per year in the decade of the 90s. This loss of human capital continues to negatively impact the continents ability to nurture autonomous development, given that the brain drain tends to apply more to the professional skills that are most in need. Ironically, Africa, in turn spends US$ 4 billion per annum to recruit foreign experts to meet skills shortages. This amounts to 35% of development aid given to Africa.

The issue of labour migration is indeed complex, and there are a number of factors that contribute to the exodus of skilled and unskilled individuals from their home countries. Aside from the proverbial 'greener pastures', many individuals leave due to underdeveloped and exploitative labour markets in their countries, corruption and mismanagement in recruitment procedures both in the private and public sectors, as well as unfavourable social, economic and political conditions. The stark reality is that more people would probably leave if they were able to.

Beyond the din of political leaders decrying the loss of skilled people while condemning the developed world for robbing the continent of its human capital, there are no easy solutions to the problem. The introduction of oppressive emigration policies that curtail citizens' freedom of movement increases extra-legal movement of people across borders, with all the attendant risks. Until the economic, political and social conditions improve in countries, the brain-drain will continue.

Research is increasingly focusing on 'virtual participation' by citizens abroad in the development of their countries. This refers to the ability of foreign-based citizens to contribute to the development of their countries. The primary way in which this occurs is through financial remittances. According to World Bank Data, global remittances amounted to US$80 billion. In Africa alone, they amounted to US$17 billion per year, US$2billion more than the amount the continent received in foreign direct investment. Research studies have shown that although remittances have a significant impact on development, a lot more needs to be done before the true benefits are recognised.

Firstly, there is not enough widespread information on remittance patterns on the continent. This is crucial from a policy stand-point, since it gives and indication as to whether there is sufficient economic benefit from the labour migration to mitigate the brain-drain. Secondly, most countries lack the mechanisms in place to formalize and adequately exploit the potential developmental value of the remittances. As a result of this a significant percentage of remittances are informal and difficult to quantify, or positively harness.

Remittances have the potential to generate savings and investment, and overall development, but there needs to be an enabling regulatory and policy framework in place. This would allow for cost-effective and accessible money transfer facilities, rational currency exchange rate regimes and institutions that offer support to the optimal deployment of these funds. The formalization of remittances would also help to head off the potential negative effects such as unsustainable modes of consumption, economies of affection and dependency relationships, all of which impact negatively on sustainable development.

Whereas the ultimate goal is for the continent to be able to nurture and keep its human resources by creating an enabling environment, the short-term aim should be to harness this potential by opening up more channels for virtual participation. The issue of remittances must not however detract from the discourse on addressing the brain-drain, nor worse yet, be seen as an excuse for the deliberate raiding of the continent's brain-basket. If participation in the global economy is inevitable, it must benefit Africa as a major contributor.

Further Reading

World Bank - Africa Region Working Paper No. 64

United Nations - Remittances and FDI
http://www.un.org/africa/osaa/press/Promoting%20International%20support%20for%20peace%20and%20development%20%85.pdf

Global Development Research Centre
http://www.gdrc.org/icm/remittance/more-remittance.html

Institute for Security Studies
http://www.iss.co.za/pubs/Monographs/No112/Contents.htm

International Development Research Centre
http://www.idrc.ca/en/ev-71249-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html

Each year when International Women’s Day comes round it is an opportunity to celebrate advancements that have been made in the fight for women’s rights. It is also a time to chart a way forward to achieving even greater equality and recognition of the vital role that women play in society. In 2003 the African Union adopted the protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, as a supplement to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. This wide-ranging document served to firmly entrench the right of women to participate as equal partners both in the public and private spaces that they inhabit. This document is however only as good as its implementation.

In Africa, women continue to bear an inordinate share of the burden of underdevelopment. When the there is armed conflict, women and children are most vulnerable. In countries like Liberia and The DRC women have been brutalized and murdered by combatants in the conflicts.

Poverty comes with reduced means to livelihoods. Women tend to be affected more when there are fewer prospects for work, and yet in most cases they are responsible for looking after families and communities in need. In rural settings women still bear a heavier burden of work, often having to juggle between looking after their families and earning a living. In urban settings women are still not remunerated at the same level as their male counterparts and employment equity still remains largely elusive, despite great the great strides that have been made in countries like South Africa and Rwanda to achieve gender parity.

A study conducted in East Africa found that whereas the legal statutes implicitly recognise a woman’s right to own property, customary laws still make it difficult for women to own or inherit property. This has far-reaching effects on women’s ability to access credit or even earn a livelihood independent of men. These findings can probably be generalized for the rest of the continent.

Environmental degradation continues to affect women adversely. In rural communities, women have to work harder to access water and cultivate the land. Frequent droughts, environmental disasters and advancing desertification are all placing rural communities and, especially women, in an increasingly vulnerable position.

The AIDS pandemic has affected women most, with levels of infection steadily rising. A woman’s position is exacerbated by her inability to negotiate her sexual rights and access basic health care. Pre- and post-natal care is still beyond the reach of most of Africa’s women.

With the passing of another International Women’s Day, the call goes out to governments, communities and every individual to play a more active part in upholding the rights of women. It is only when women achieve their rightful place that true development and societal progress can be achieved.

* Related Links

African Union - Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women in Africa

United Nations Commission on the Status of Women
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/

Global Issues – Women’s Rights

There have been a large number of studies dating back to the late eighties that have looked at the correlation between male circumcision – or lack thereof – and the risk of contracting HIV. The evidence from these studies shows a relatively high reduction in the risk of infection as a result of circumcision. As is the norm, these studies have to different degrees accounted for possible confounding variables, but do not pretend to delve into the broader socio-cultural issues that attend the problem. The studies have been predominantly medical in nature, and there is still a dearth of sociological research on the subject.

In an insightful article published in the Cape Times, Professor Jonny Myers alludes to the element of cultural hegemony underlying the almost casual way in which male circumcision is being mooted. He points to the ease with which groups who have traditionally circumcised males advocate for its cooptation into the AIDS fighting arsenal. Some of the medical evidence on the benefits of circumcision has been refuted, or at least reasonably challenged over in the last few years. Among these was reduced risk of penile cancer, urinary tract infections, sexually transmitted infections, and better hygiene. Today, medical reasons for routine male circumcision are not widely accepted.

To be clear, any intervention that helps the fight against the spread of AIDS merits utmost consideration. However, the more difficult to implement the intervention, the greater the efficacy standard required for it to pass muster.

One still gets the sense of a widely held misconception that those communities that do not practise male circumcision simply ‘neglect’ to do so. In fact, one could argue that not practising male circumcision is characterised by the same level of conviction as practising it. Some communities that do not circumcise males have other rites of passage that serve the same purpose. Introducing male circumcision in populations that do not practise it will require a “de-culturization” of the procedure.

A major obstacle that has characterised the fight against AIDS has been how to change deeply entrenched behaviour. How much more difficult will this be if the behaviour in deeply entrenched in cultural practises. In Western Kenya, for example, where certain communities practise ‘wife inheritance’ it has taken a serious re-orientation of cultural beliefs to make any headway. Furthermore, this has only been successful because sexual relations as a key factor in the spread of the disease are but a peripheral and dispensable aspect of the practise.

Another key consideration is how the underlying assumption that circumcision provides a measure of protection can lead to increased risky sexual behaviour. It is debatable whether the fight against the pandemic has achieved the levels of knowledge and attitudes requisite to reasonable counter this. The most successful communication campaigns have sought to minimize this risk by combining messages, for example, condom-use with abstinence and faithfulness.

Finally, this unfolding debate provides yet another unwelcome detraction from the fact that there still remains a dire need to expand basic health services to the majority who do not have it. This is arguably the biggest factor in the fight against HIV/AIDS. Yet it seems like we are about to ask for these over-stretched and ill-equipped services to add a surgical procedure to their list!

Further Reading:

Circumcision is no silver bullet in Aids fight
(subscription)

Does Cicumcision reduce HIV risks?
http://www.fhi.org/en/RH/Pubs/Network/v20_4/NWvol20-4malecurcumsion.htm

Male circumcision: a role in HIV prevention?
http://www.cirp.org/library/disease/HIV/vincenzi/

AIDS: Male Circumcision ‘is the key’
http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/Aids_Focus/0,,2-7-659_2044924,00.html

On February 12, the Nigerian Minister of Information Frank Nweke issued a statement in response to an in-depth report by CNN on the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). He accused CNN of 'paying for, and staging the report' that showed hostages held by the group. Not surprisingly, CNN issued a statement refuting his allegations and attesting to the authenticity of the report.

Mr. Nweke added that the government was working to free the hostages (they have since been released) and could not resist the urge to throw in a humdinger of a remark; by adding that the manner in which the reporter in question went about covering the story was "…unacceptable, and to our minds, undermines global efforts in the war on terror."

This statement lends an interesting and very current global context to the problem of the Niger Delta. It also provides a framework for understanding the Nigerians government's stance on dealing with the escalating crisis.

Mend came in to the spotlight in January of 2006 with an email in which the organization warned oil interests to leave the land and threatened to disable to destroy the government's capacity to export petroleum. Since then, there have been well-orchestrated attacks on installations in the Niger Delta as well as a slew of kidnappings involving expatriates.

The problems and manifest discontent in the Niger Delta pre-date Mend. The Niger People's Volunteer Force NPVF was active until it was neutralized by the government and its leader, Mujahid Dokubo-Asari, jailed. Mend also seeks the release of Asari, as well as the former governor of Bayelsa State Diepreye Alamieyeseigha who was removed by Obasanjo on charges of corruption.

Mend advocates for the rights of the Ijaw, and other groups in the delta, to benefit from its vast oil resources, and to protect their land from the environmental ravages of oil extraction. Since oil exploitation began in the region, little has improved in the lives of the people, if anything, crippling poverty has been exacerbated by the severe environmental impact of oil drilling.

When Ken Saro-Wiwa was executed for championing the rights of the Ogoni people, a military regime was in power. Nigeria is preparing for its second democratic election and little seems to have changed in the way the government seems to privilege the interests of global trade above the legitimate grievances of its people.

It is becoming common fare to legitimize crushing internal dissent by attaching the "terror" label. Like the global war on terror, the 'war' being waged in the Niger Delta is all about oil. But it is also about globalization and exploitation. It is about zero-sum development that reaps benefits for one at the expense of another. It is also about Emmanuel Wallerstein's World System, where the 'periphery of the periphery' remains marginalized regardless of the vast riches they possess.

As things stand, nothing will be resolved by the time Africom, the new US military command planned for Africa, is established on the continent. Oil qualifies as a 'strategic interest' for the United States to protect. It remains to be seen what this will mean for the people of the Niger Delta and those who are fighting for their economic and environmental rights.

Further Reading:

Niger Delta: Behind the Mask. By Ike Okonta

Mend: Anatomy of a People’s Militia. By Ike Okonta

Reuters Alertnet FactBox
http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L05606460.htm

The Niger Delta Question
http://www.gamji.com/article5000/NEWS5521.htm

Time Magazine
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,901060522-1193987-1,00.html

CNN
http://www.cnn.com/2007/WORLD/africa/02/12/nigeria.reaction/index.html

Wiki pedia

With the establishment of the Africa Command (Africom) slated for 2008, the Pentagon is becoming as important a player as the State Department in as far as relations between the US and Africa. This latest move, the details of which are not yet clear, but could involve increased US troop deployments and bases, should be raising more eyebrows than it already has on the continent. This especially so since Africa was previously well covered between the European Command (EUCOM), Central Command (CENTCOM), and the Pacific Command (PACOM).

A worrying aspect to this latest development is that it has received bi-partisan support in Washington. – As Sen. Russ Feingold (D), chair of the Senate committee on Africa puts it, "An Africa Command would help the U.S. military focus on a continent that is essential to our national security…An Africa Command is vital to strengthening our relations with African nations and preventing them from becoming staging grounds for attacks against the U.S. or our allies." This would mark a shift towards increased militarization of the US approach to Africa.

Africom covers countries that have strategic interests for the US in Africa. Nigeria is an obvious choice to fall under the umbrella of Africom as a major supplier of oil to the US. The other countries covered by AFRICOM are Algeria, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, and Morocco. All these countries have indicated some links between internal dissent and Al-Qaeda activity.

The recent events in Somalia involving both the US and Ethiopia have raised interesting questions about the global war on terror, such as the origin of the intelligence reports citing presence of Al-Qaeda, which led to US intervention.

Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq provide valuable lessons about the lasting internal effects of ill-considered external intervention. The latest involvement in Somalia portends to a worrying trend of baiting US intervention by alluding to the presence of Al-Qaeda linked groups. Nigeria, Chad, Algeria and Mauritania are dealing with internal tensions that could be further worsened by US involvement. The potential impact of Africom on democracy in Africa is significant.

In a paper published by the Center or International Policy, Paul Lubeck et al point to the contradictory and flawed reasoning behind seeking to bolster security in Africa as an alternative source of petroleum to replace over-reliance on the Middle-East which is an increasingly unstable supply. The nature of US involvement through Africom could seed the very same tensions and instability that the US is eager to avoid in the Middle East.

The Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Initiative (TSCTI) involves bolstering of continental militaries ostensibly to enable them better deal with “terrorist” activity in their territories. Given the continent’s bad history of militarism and the use of force against citizens, the implications for the future of democracy and civilian rule may be further jeopardized.

Further Reading:
Center for International Policy

The Guardian – US Moves in on Africa
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,,2009098,00.html

US State Department

Kenyans are preparing to go to the polls at the end of the year and, as in past years, there is much horse-trading and jockeying among the key players. President Kibaki came to power on a massive wave of change that swept aside the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and former president Moi's strangle-hold on power. The National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) that brought Kibaki to power was a tenuous but resolute grouping of seasoned political players who had fallen out of favor and been sidelined by the former regime.

It was not long before the inevitable cracks began to show in the coalition, and in the space of one year, the alliance had fallen apart. Key players in the ruling coalition like political stalwart Raila Odinga, (of the newly –formed Orange Democratic Movement) felt that the president had reneged on pre-election promises in terms of allocation of key posts. Furthermore, Kibaki pledged to serve only one term in office, but it became evident very early on that this was not to be the case. Subsequently, further divisions have occurred to the point where the current field of political parties bears little resemblance to those that went by the same name four years ago.

What remains the same are the names and faces. The hallmark of Kenyan politics is the ubiquity of the same handful of individuals who have been in the limelight for the last two decades. In the running for the top seat are scions of prominent political dynasties like Uhuru Kenyatta, Raila Odinga and Musalia Mudavadi, as well as others who have served in previous regimes such as former Moi-era vice-president George Saitoti and Kalonzo Musyoka. Others like Musikari Kombo, Mukhisa Kituyi and William Ruto are rising contenders.

Kenyan politics remains largely ethnicity-based and politicians have always relied on voting blocks from their own and allied ethnic groups. This has largely obscured developmental issues that should take center-stage. Growth of the economy has remained modest at around 5% as has been development in major sectors of the economy such as agriculture and tourism. Corruption and crime continue to have a major impact on investment and national well-being.

It is likely that poverty will continue to have a major influence on the outcome of the elections. In the past, elections were decided based on who was able to buy the electorate with food hand-outs and promises of service delivery that are in reality the right of every citizen. With a little over nine months to go, the only thing that remains certain is that there will be more shape-shifting among the parties and players, empty promises to the electorate, and excitement in a population that is nevertheless proud to exercise their democratic right.

Further Reading:

http://www.eastandard.net
http://www.nationmedia.com
http://www.kenyanewsnetwork.com/

Carbon offsetting refers to the process reducing the net greenhouse gas ("carbon") emissions of a party, by reducing the greenhouse gas emissions—or increasing the carbon dioxide absorption—of another party. The intended goal of carbon offsets is to combat global warming. Increasing concern about global warming and the inability of certain countries to significantly reduce their greenhouse gas emissions has made the option of offsetting very attractive. As a result there is a burgeoning market in carbon offsets. Africa is particularly attractive for carbon offsets. Not only are the levels of greenhouse gas emissions relatively low, ecological and economic factors also favor the establishment of offset projects.

Planting of trees to absorb carbon has been the most common form of carbon offsetting, but by no means the only one. There are already several such projects funded either by countries or corporations to offset emissions.

Carbon offsetting has rapidly become the means by which a polluting world assuages its guilt and attempts to solve the problem of global warming. Proponents of carbon offsetting advance the argument that in a modern world where pollution is a given, it is easier to find ways to mitigate the damage than it is to reduce it. In other words, it is easier to do something to pay for the damage, rather than not to damage. Hence the proliferation of "carbon-neutral" products and companies that give consumers of their products a guilt-free buy, by promising, for example, to fund a stove-making project in Eritrea or the reforestation of the slopes of Uganda's Mount Elgon.

The question that begs is whether these projects promote sustainable development. In Africa, for instance, how does monoculture of trees funded through offsetting projects need balancing against the dire need for arable land for food production? It may be argued that with advancing desertification, any such initiative should be welcomed. Harsher critics of offsetting like Austin Williams, director of the Future Cities Project, have referred to the practice as 'Carbon colonialism', whereby wealthy nations continue to rapidly develop using technology and industry that pollutes while they consign the poorer ones to the position of mopping up the world's pollution through eco-friendly projects that hamper their ability to develop and the same rate.

Williams takes a dim view of carbon offsets, arguing that agencies involved in carbon offset schemes engage in low- or alternative-technology projects in the developing world, hence slowing the pace of development to benefit the same environment that the developed world is destroying. He states that the current system sanctifies the environment and 'keeps half the world in penury while the other half ponders their next purchasing decisions'. In his view, 'consumer choices and carbon offsets are designed to maintain the iniquitous status quo, and make you feel good about it'. (Read Austin Williams' article on 'Spike Online' – link below)

Carbon offsetting is being touted as an opportunity to generate much-needed revenue for poor countries. But is it a good thing? Aid to poor countries was touted as a good thing, and it probably saved millions of lives. However, today, it is debatable whether the people of Africa are better of for having received it, and if it did not in fact hamstring efforts at autonomous development.

Further Reading:
The New Internationalist

http://www.newint.org/features/2006/07/01/carbon-offsets-facts/
David Suzuki Foundation http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/16908275/
Climate Change Action
http://climatechangeaction.blogspot.com/2007/01/carbon-offsets-development.html
Spiked Online
http://www.spiked-online.com/index.php?/site/article/1724/
IndyMedia Climate
http://www.dhf.uu.se/

President Hu Jintao has embarked on his second trip to the continent in less than a year and on his itinerary are seven countries earmarked as strategic trade and investment allies. Jintao will be visiting Cameroon, Liberia, Mozambique, South Africa, Sudan, the Seychelles and Zambia. What these countries have in common is their ability to provide China with vital resources, strategic positioning and trade opportunities for its ever-expanding economy.

China’s engagement with Africa is increasingly becoming the biggest topic of debate in as far as global economics is concerned. Accelerated growth in the Asian nation’s economy has increased pressure to obtain resources. Africa is turning out to be the perfect partner for China in a relationship that is viewed by some as mutually beneficial while others see it as another opportunity for massive exploitation, with few long-term benefits accruing to the vast majority of the continent’s population.

The arguments for the Sino-African rapprochement are from the perspective of South-South cooperation and a welcome change from the kind of relationship with the west (read Europe and the US). Most of Africa continues to reel under the burden of debt, further exacerbated by the inability to find equal footing on the global economic platform.

There has however, been a growing sense of suspicion about just how much the continent will benefit from unfolding events. China’s record on issues of social justice, political freedom, human rights, environment does not pass muster. Africa’s bilateral relations with the EU, the US and the International funding agencies over the last two decades have focused on broad political and economic reforms. China seeks to access the continent’s resources, mainly oil and minerals in exchange for infrastructural development and monetary aid, both of which its new partners desperately need.

The key question is whether this new relationship will derail efforts towards political change. China is also seeking new markets for its huge cheap goods manufacturing sector. Chinese imports have had a detrimental effect on the local manufacturing sectors in Africa, and this continues to be a sore point, as evidenced by the huge trade imbalances that China enjoys with most countries on the continent.

At a global level, the West has always enjoyed a dominant position vis-à-vis Africa, dating back from colonial times. The rise of the East, namely China and to a slightly lesser degree, India, as investment and trade partners threatens their position of influence on many fronts. The finite nature of Africa’s resources means there is a likelihood of a zero-sum game where China’s gain is the West’s loss. Needless to say, the effects of China’s new move into global geo-politics will be felt for a long time to come, both on the continent and elsewhere.

Further reading:
New Yorker in DC
Beijing Action Plan http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/zflt/eng/zyzl/hywj/t280369.htm
International Herald Tribune http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/11/01/opinion/edecon.php
ISN Security Watch

As Nigeria prepares to go the polls in April of 2007, the continent and the world will be closely watching developments in the continent’s most populous nation. This will be the first civilian-to-civilian transfer of power in the country’s history. In the run-up to the elections, focus has been on the recently-released population census figures, the perceived incompetence of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as well as the sheer number of candidates and parties competing.

The 2006 census puts the population at around 140 million. Although most analysts consider this a conservative, if not inaccurate figure, the main area of contention is the breakdown by region. According to the census, the North is more populous than the South. Southerners dispute this finding based on population densities and geographical realities. Rather, they perceive these findings as a means to bolster resource allocation disparities, gerrymandering, and even a precursor to vote-rigging in favour of the North.

The INEC recently extended the voter registration deadline by 14 days to allow for more Nigerians to register for the polls. The electoral body has come in for heavy criticism over its incompetence. There is concern about potential vote rigging, so the manner in which the INEC discharges its duties will determine how well the election results are received by the country and the world at large.

In such a populous and political volatile country, the sheer number of parties and candidates vying for election is by no means surprising. Of the thirteen-odd main parties vying for elections, four are fielding candidates in real contention for the presidency.

People’s Democratic Party (PDP) is the ruling party. Its candidate is the present governor of Katsina state, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who is Obasanjo’s anointed successor. He has leftist leanings and is the only state governor untainted by corruption allegations.

The All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) is the main opposition party. Its candidate, former military ruler Muhammadu Buhari is contesting elections again, having lost to Obasanjo in 2003.

The Action Congress (AC) candidate is Vice-president Atiku Abubakar. He was a founding member of the PDP but was suspended in allegations of corruption. He switched parties while in office, which has raised a potential constitutional crisis. Because the AC and the ANPP have an election pact, he will have to challenge Buhari to be able to vie for the presidency. His campaign is based on his call for a ‘power shift’ from the South to the North, whence he hails.

Former military ruler and power-broker Ibrahim Babangida has yet to find a political party to support his bid. He left the PDP after Obasanjo allegedly refused to back his bid for nomination in favor of Yar’Adua. He also enjoys wide public support in the North.

The All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) candidate is Chukwuemeka Ojukwu. He is the former leader of the Biafra secession uprising and a cult-figure of his Igbo people. His influence is more or less confined to South-Eastern Nigeria.

The spectre of violence and upheaval still hangs heavily over the country. There has been some unrest following the removal of high ranking officials and state governors by legislative process. The prominence of former generals in politics and in the elections is also a cause for concern given the country’s past experience of military rule.

Further reading and discussions:

INEC
The Vanguard http://www.vanguardngr.com
Nigerian Village Square http://www.nigeriavillagesquare.com/