Namibia’s National Society for Human Rights (NSHR) has called upon the Namibian Government to opt for a comprehensive negotiated settlement of the Caprivi conflict. "The ongoing marathon high treason trial against the more than 130 alleged Caprivi secessionists is alone unlikely to bring about a sustainable resolution of the dispute. Rather, the trial is aimed at bringing about a judicial answer to what is unmistakably a political question. Moreover, the trial is likely to result in long-term imprisonment and martyrdom, as well as deepened hatred and trauma on the part of the alleged secessionists, their families and their tribesmen for many years to come."

As a national human rights organization advocating inter alia the universal right to a clean and safe environment, Namibia’s National Society for Human Rights (NSHR) deplores plans to open yet another uranium mine in the country. “As if the danger to human life and the environment posed by the existing Rossing Uranium Mine (RUM) is not grave enough, the government is allowing yet another uranium mine in the country”, wondered NSHR executive director Phil ya Nangoloh.

The Namibian Police have begun examining documentation related to corruption and fraud at the Social Security Commission (SSC) with a view to prosecuting the culprits. The Police confirmed that they had started "studying information" which emerged from a report following the Presidential commission of inquiry into the parastatal's affairs in 2002-3. If the Police decide to formulate charges against any of those accused of wrongdoing, it will be the first time since Independence that a commission of inquiry has prompted the criminal prosecution of individuals.

Namibia recently became the fourth country on the continent to ratify the African Union Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. What meanings does this document, as well as the other international instruments signed by our government have for girls and women in the diverse communities of Namibia?

During 2004, Sister Namibia held three-day workshops on women's human rights in Lüderitz, Karasburg, Nyangana, Katima Mulilo, Okakarara and Tsumkwe, using the AU Protocol as a main tool. In all these locations, workshop participants were amazed to learn about the broad range of human rights they are entitled to as full citizens of this county and this continent, and reported grave violations of these rights in many areas of their lives.

Let's take a closer look at the situation of women in Tsumkwe in eastern Namibia, home of many San people, who are the impoverished and marginalised indigenous people of our country. Forty women attended the workshop, young and old. Nineteen of them had infants or small children with them, and five more were pregnant. All the women said that it was the first time they ever attended such a workshop, and expressed the belief that rights were something only accorded to people living in towns.

Following a role play by the facilitators on the different forms of domestic violence, the participants said that such incidences were an everyday occurrence in their lives, but that they had not realised that this was a violation of their rights. However, to apply for a protection order under the Domestic Violence Act of 2003, they would have to find transport to travel 275 kilometres to the nearest magistrate's court at Grootfontein. And as magistrates have not yet received training on the Act, it could happen that women applying for a protection order are simply sent home again.

The information on the new Maintenance Act was also new to the women in Tsumkwe, and they stated that because there are no social workers in Tsumkwe there was no-one to assist them with accessing their social rights. Lack of access to education was also discussed as a major violation of the rights of San girls, many of whom marry and start having children soon after beginning their menstruation. “We don't know about reproductive and sexual rights,” said one of the participants. “We as women don't talk about this to our husbands because it is very sensitive. Normally we give birth to babies every year. In our culture our little girls are getting into early marriages. Soon after a girl child is born, an old man visits the mother and says that this little girl will be his future wife. He will start supporting her until she reaches her first menstruation and then marry her.” Information and training on the Married Person's Equality Act of 1996 has thus not yet reached the girls and women of Tsumkwe.

Poverty was the other main reason given for the lack of access to education. Children living on farms and in villages in the surrounding areas need transport to and from the secondary school in Tsumkwe, and parents are not aware that school fees and uniforms can be waived. Schools and school hostels are also places of discrimination and abuse and are thus experienced as not safe places for the girls. Participants requested in particular more information on their reproductive health and rights. “We really do not know how to protect ourselves from sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/Aids, and also unwanted pregnancies.”

Sister Namibia will intensify our work in this area in 2005, and plan how to reach out to more San women and girls, as well as women in other communities across the country. Our aim is to develop a sense of entitlement among women of all their rights currently existing only on paper, and develop lobbying and advocacy skills among girls and women so that they can begin to stand up for their rights.

* Liz Frank is the director of Sister Namibia

* Please send comments to

Several human rights defenders, community and environmental activists, traditional leaders as well as political leaders in the Owambo district in northwestern Namibia have severally but unanimously expressed concern at what they described as 'unilateral and exclusive privatization of a community natural resource'.  They are referring to a salt exploration and processing scheme soon to be constructed near the town of Oshakati. There are also fears in human rights circles that the profit-driven privatization of the communal salt resources might have serious environmental, cultural and political consequences. Warned Namibian Society for Human Rights executive director Phil ya Nangoloh: "We are not opposed to employment creation efforts per se. However, as human rights defenders our concerns about the scheme are obvious: income-generating business ventures of this nature result from neoliberal processes, such as privatization of natural resources and promotion of exports at the expense of local communities. Also, experience has shown that these neoliberal processes have locally led to uncontrolled and disruptive industrialization, proliferation of technologies aimed at maximizing profit with scant regard for resource sustainability as well as to rapid urbanization and environmental degradation."

Two opposition parties challenging the veracity of Namibia's national and presidential polls were on Thursday granted a High Court order to peruse official election documentation in order to substantiate their case. The court ordered the Electoral Commission to make available to the Congress of Democrats (CoD) and the Republican Party (RP) election reports of returning officers for each of the 1,168 polling stations and all of the 107 constituencies.

"Having been monitoring the 2004 process since its commencement in 2002, the National Society for Human Rights has observed numerous commissions and omissions in the process. In the presence of such gross anomalies, NSHR has been unable to reasonably and fairly declare the 2004 presidential and National Assembly elections as free and fair." This is according to the latest report from the NSHR, which says problems in the election process are symptoms or manifestations of a particular socio-political and economic environment described in the report.

The perception is that the Affirmative Action Policy is ethnically based and might rip the country off if it is not managed properly, says the Director of the Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRi) Herbert Jauch.
Jauch told New Era that based on a survey that was conducted recently on the effectiveness of the policy four years after its launch, it was found that most companies have not made an effort to practise what the policy stipulates and the whole concept is taken as something that should be applied based on ethnic grounds.

About one in every three Namibians has experienced corruption in public institutions, while one out of every two citizens knows someone who has fallen victim to the evil practice this year, according to a study commissioned by the Office of the Ombudsman. The 2004 National Integrity Survey reveals that although Namibians are becoming increasingly positive about Government efforts to fight corruption, they still perceive the evil phenomenon to be on the rise.

The future for Namibia's development projects is looking grim as while the country's debt is still manageable, the State's financial situation leaves little room for manoeuvre. The warning bells that Government is strapped for cash was sounded by Finance Minister Saara Kuugongelwa-Amadhila announcing this week that for the first time since Independence no additional budget would be tabled this year. At the heart of the dilemma is a smaller than expected revenue for the 2003-04 financial year - a billion dollars less than forecast.

On paper all Namibian parties agree on one issue: the country’s need to address the land reform process.

This seems to indicate that there is a strong likelihood that the ruling South West Africa People’s Organisation (Swapo), which is expected to win the 15 and 16 November general elections, will enjoy nationwide support to redress the country’s land-ownership issue.

Swapo has been in power since 1990 after it won the pre-independence elections held under the United Nations aegis after more than two decades of armed struggle against apartheid South Africa. Namibia became independent on 21 March 1990.

Swapo started addressing the legacy of over 100 years of occupation, first by Germany followed by South Africa, which is manifested by uneven distribution of farm land, in 1992 when it held a consultative conference on land attended by representatives of all Namibian communities.

It is in line with the resolutions adopted at the consultative conference that Swapo subsequently shaped its Land Reform policy passed in parliament. This has seen the acquisition of numerous derelict farms to resettle a number of communities.

In 1994, the government has also allocated N$20 million (at the current exchange rate, one US$ buys N$6.02) annually to acquire land to resettle the landless, a figure which has since grown to N$50 million per year.

This resulted in the buying of some 846,583 hectares on which 6,256 families were resettled. Swapo has promised to increase the number to over 6,436 families within the next five years.

Furthermore, Swapo also intends to increase from N$50 million to N$100 million per annum to acquire yet more land.

The opposition Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) agrees that the land issue has to be addressed, and that “everybody is in favour”.

However, party spokesperson Johan de Waal added that, “there has to be a set of criteria for resettlement and land expropriation.”

He accused government of using an ad hoc criterion to expropriate land, with a result that commercial farmers are stopping farming, creating serious problems to the economy.

Because Namibia’s farms are located in semi-arid land and this requires know-how and financial capacity to explore, the DTA believes government should allocate resources for the education and training of resettled families, lest the farming land becomes unproductive in the long run.

In its manifesto, Swapo promises to do just that – to couple the resettlement programme with training and capacity building in order to promote sustainable land use.

For its part, the National Unity Democratic Organisation (NUDO) says it would “definitely support” any land reform policy that takes into account several key aspects.

These include the repossession of land owned by the absentee landlords, using legal mechanisms to repossess underdeveloped and under-utilised land, and buying 2,500-3,500 hectares of commercial farms which have been a problem in the past years because of the “willing seller and willing buyer” system.

NUDO feels that not so many farmers have been willing to sell, and thus there should be a fast-track programme geared at distribution and resettlement.

Arnold Tjihuiko, NUDO director of elections, said that his party recognises that the “land issue is very crucial and so it has to be tackled sooner than later.”

“Let us do it early while there is time to do this,” said Tjihuiko, adding that otherwise there could be potential for problems in the long run.

To offset any unproductiveness arising from resettlement of peasant farmers with lack of capacity or resources to farm, NUDO believes resettled peasant farmers should be assisted “to get access to training, credit and markets in order to maintain farm productivity.”

Even the Republican Party, which is mainly white-dominated with about 70 per cent of its executive white (although it claims to be broad-based) agrees land resettlement is important, and it is “definitely in favour of land reform.”

Perhaps, realising it has little chance of winning the election, the RP has been urging Swapo to “urgently come up with a final and sustainable land reform plan which will benefit all of Namibia’s inhabitants.”

They say such a plan should enshrine the very principle of “willing buyer, willing seller” which is contested by other parties because it has not been forthcoming in getting farmers to sell; it should not be applied as a punitive measure or a political football; and crucially landowners should have the right of appeal in a higher court when expropriation occurs and a dispute arises.

Namibians claim there are a lot of farms belonging to absentee landlords, and cases of farmers owning more than one farm up to 10, as well as under-utilised land that government should expropriate and resettle farmers in them.

Now what remains to be seen is whether after the noise and frenzy of the elections all the parties will still remain committed to addressing the land issue. (SARDC)

* SOURCE: Southern African News Features offers a reliable source of regional information and analysis on the Southern African Development Community, and is provided as a service to the SADC region. This article may be reproduced with credit to the author and publisher. SANF is produced by the Southern African Research and Documentation Centre (SARDC), which has monitored regional developments since 1985. http://www.sardc.net/Editorial/Newsfeature/04981104.htm

In the aftermath of this month’s general elections, gender imbalances in government still pose a challenge in Namibia. As expected, Namibia’s minister for lands and resettlement – Hifikepunye Pohamba – swept to an easy victory in last week’s presidential poll, while the ruling South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) maintained its parliamentary majority in the legislative vote. But, hopes that Namibia would reach a target set by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) of having women gain 30 percent of parliamentary seats by 2005 were dashed.

The victory of 69-year-old President-elect Hifikepunye Pohamba in the Namibian presidential elections last week heralds a new political era. He succeeds founding president Sam Nujoma, 75, who will step down in March next year after three terms in office. Pohamba, standing against six other candidates, secured 76.4 percent of the vote. The ruling party, SWAPO, scooped a 76 percent share in a nine-party parliamentary contest - the same percentage it won in 1999.

It does not require any prophetic magic to predict the obvious results of Namibia’s Parliamentary and Presidential Elections held on Monday and Tuesday: SWAPO of Namibia, the national liberation movement in power since Independence 1990, will retain its two-third majority and will continue to govern in an absolutist and authoritarian fashion within a de facto one party state. The question is only, with which qualitative margin and on which quantitative support base in terms of voters’ participation SWAPO has the continued mandate to cultivate its equation that the party is the government and the government is the state.

The opposition parties, both internally and among each other more divided than ever before, will compete for the remaining bits and pieces. With a new ethnically based Herero party (NUDO), which separated from the ranks of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) a new stakeholder might appear in the political arena. The number of votes it achieves might change the composition of the National Assembly, which had parliamentarians from five different parties before the elections. The same is true for the newly competing Republican Party (RP), which seeks to gather votes also from the original DTA clientele. We will have to wait and see what at the end of the counting is still left for the “old” DTA opposition, which was the first opposition party at Independence and since then has been in steady decline, and to what extent in particular the Herero faction in NUDO will seek new power sharing arrangements with SWAPO. There might still be some surprises in the kitty.

The so far relatively successful new kid on the block, the Congress of Democrats (CoD), will have to see if it maintains the second rank within the party landscape. It had emerged partly from the ranks of dissenting SWAPO activists, who were joined by other relatively intellectual, critically minded non-conformists. They established a political counter force, not cursed by the Apartheid legacy (as the DTA), but only managed to catch half of the DTA’s support base within the anti-SWAPO camp during the elections in December 1999.

CoD and DTA were subsequently represented both with just below ten per cent of the votes in the current National Assembly, whose term ends in March 2005, when the new Parliament, President and Cabinet will be sworn in. But CoD has also been battling with internal rivalries and differences – just the opposite of what one would like to show to potential voters prior to elections and not a confidence building measure by any standard.

There are two other questions, which will remain until the counting of votes comes to an end. If the United Democratic Front (UDF) - another ethnically oriented interest group mainly rooted in the Damara communities - will maintain its position as fourth strongest party, and if the one-person-party MAG (Monitor Action Group), representing the most conservative white element in post-colonial Namibia, manages to keep its seat and continue to contribute with at times even refreshing interventions to the otherwise often pretty boring debates where decisions are a foregone conclusion on the basis of SWAPO’s two-third majority.

In any case and whatever the proportional distribution of seats will ultimately be: the different party programmes showed little to no substantive differences. SWAPO was as much “mainstream” as most of the pseudo-alternatives.

The overwhelming dominance by SWAPO, which is in firm control of most institutions and agencies (with the exception of the economy, still dominated to a large extent by those class interests and agencies which benefited from settler colonialism) will remain unchallenged. Notwithstanding the fact, that the former liberation movement has been internally divided more obviously than ever before, it has not to be afraid (yet) that any meaningful alternative might pose a threat. Such an alternative simply does not exist at present.

Hence the most exciting shifts in the current power structure already took place prior to the elections when SWAPO’s President Sam Nujoma was denied another (fourth) term despite his obvious appetite to stay in office. Instead, the “leader maximo” was made to understand that he will not get away with another constitutional change in his favour, but received a golden handshake, which leaves him without any need to worry about the material well-being for his retirement period, during which time close to thirty civil servants will satisfy his needs.

Reluctant to abandon power, Nujoma had finally made his choice for a successor by selecting his closest confidante from the struggle days, considered to be a loyal servant to his master’s voice. But his crown prince Hifikepunye Pohamba denied appointment as the sole candidate by the party. Instead the SWAPO Central Committee nominated three candidates as potential successors. Delegates to an Extraordinary SWAPO Congress end of May were then tasked to make a choice, and in the internal campaign period the factional fight turned ugly.

What was praised widely as a sign of practised democracy was ultimately an in-fight over power and control. To minimise the risks, Nujoma did not shy away from tough measures, disclosing his authoritarian mindset and character, to push through his candidate at any costs. Hidipo Hamutenya, the strongest contender and rival, already frustrated from the President’s third term in office (which was made possible at the end of the 1990s by changing Namibia’s Constitution for the first time with the two-third SWAPO-majority in Parliament), was ousted from his post as Foreign Minister. This was a clear sign that those in support of his candidacy would meet the old man’s disapproval and have to face the consequences. Nonetheless, almost a third of the Extraordinary Congress was prepared to vote for Hamutenya and thereby pointed to the deep rift within the party.

To add insult to injury, in the subsequent selection process over the ranking of candidates on the party list, Hamutenya ended at a rank that makes his political survival as a Member of Parliament critically dependent upon the actual amount of votes gained. If SWAPO does not maintain the same degree of dominance, Hamutenya will be out by a narrow margin. This is quite a humiliating experience for someone considered for years to be the most likely candidate to succeed the old man. The same fate which looms over Hamutenya will happen to many among those who were (rightly or wrongly so) considered active within his camp. They were punished by being ranked even lower on the party list and will almost certainly loose their status as Honourables.

To what extent that might trigger another split within and ultimately from the party (as was partly the case with the creation of the CoD), is too early to speculate. It will also depend upon the strategy followed by the new Head of State, when appointing his Cabinet in March 2005. Until then, Namibia’s political office bearers will be almost paralysed and anxiously wait to see if they survive in lucrative ministerial ranks.

The return of the former Prime Minister Hage Geingob into Namibian politics has also provoked curiosity. Ousted from office by means of a humiliating demotion offered to him by President Nujoma half way through the third legislature, Geingob resigned from offices and accepted a good salary with a World Bank affiliated lobby agency for Africa in Washington. Obviously with the blessing of Nujoma, he has now made a successful return into Namibian politics. He has resigned from the employment of the international financial institution and returns to anti-imperialist rhetoric (which also characterises his PhD thesis just accepted, in which he discloses the neo-colonial conspiracy in the decolonisation process of Namibia - a deal to which actually and strictly speaking SWAPO and Geingob as team leader of the election campaign for his movement were part and parcel of).

While the majority of Namibians seem to be rather satisfied with the new President to come, the question will remain as to how many votes he is able to draw in approval. Sam Nujoma, SWAPO’s so far only President since its establishment in 1960, has managed as “father of the nation” to receive so far always more votes than the party (a record three quarters in 1999). Pohamba will find this difficult to achieve, though he has asked for a similar degree of support.

Instead, it is likely that some voters within the SWAPO rank and file might wish to indicate their disagreement with the choice by not supporting the new President with their vote. He will then have to see if and to what extent he tries to mend the torn sheets with those factions, who were viciously fighting each other during 2004 over access to political power in the party. It will also remain an interesting question as to what extent Pohamba will in the process indeed turn out to be “Nujoma no. 2”.

Observers do not deny the possibility that once in office the new President might find increasingly less time to listen to the old man while taking care of the daily tasks of running the government. That Nujoma remains the party boss, however, ensures a certain degree of continued close collaboration between the two comrades of almost fifty years. It also suggests, in biological terms, that Pohamba might turn out to be a transitional, one-term President for the Republic of Namibia. The competition for his succession might start the day the new Cabinet has resumed office, on Namibia’s Independence Day on 21st March 2005.

Most, though not all of the questions raised above, will be answered on the basis of the empirical results. Results, which beyond any serious doubt - at least by standards of Florida and Ohio respectively - will meet the label of being by and large free and fair (as questionable as some of the smaller tricks might be).

The more important questions will however remain to be answered. They relate to the fragile fundament of the post-colonial project of a political elite, which has not achieved to deliver the fruits of independence promised to the majority of the previously colonised.

The populist radical rhetoric of those in power might increasingly follow the temptation to cover up for the lack of commitment towards meaningful fundamental transformation of society in terms of the re-distribution of material wealth. Under the slogan of “national reconciliation” and “black economic empowerment” and/or “affirmative action”, this transformation had been applied only selectively to the benefit of a privileged post-colonial political elite. The majority remained poor. It might be a matter of time that their patience runs out. And to cover up the failures of the last 15 years by means of a policy on land would only bring temporary relief for those in power, as Zimbabwe demonstrates, and be at the expense of even higher costs for the population in whose interest the previous liberation movement claims to act.

* Dr. Henning Melber is the Research Director at The Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala/Sweden.

* Please send comments to

ABOUT NAMIBIA:

Namibia has one of the most unequal societies in the world. The Human Development Report (1998) shows that the richest 10 percent of the population receives 65 percent of the income, while about half of the population survives on about 10 percent of the average income. The 2000 Namibia Labour Force survey estimated the unemployment rate at 34 percent.
The economy of the country relies heavily on extraction and processing of minerals as well as on processed fish for export. Between 1990 and 1993 real GDP growth averaged 5 percent, but since then has slowed to an average of about 3.2 percent, according to the World Bank website.
Namibia became a German protectorate in 1884. The country was occupied by South Africa in World War One. It was declared a mandated territory by the League of Nations and administered by South Africa. South Africa later refused to withdraw under United Nations instructions. In the 1950s the Ovamboland People's Congress, which later became the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) emerged and led the struggle against South African occupation. The territory won independence in 1990. SWAPO leader Sam Nujoma became president following victory in UN-supervised polls.

NAMIBIA LINKS:

Norwegian Council for Africa Namibia Page
http://afrika.no/index/Countries/Namibia/index.html
Africa South of the Sahara: Namibia Page
http://www-sul.stanford.edu/depts/ssrg/africa/namibia.html
Republic of Namibia official web site
http://www.grnnet.gov.na/
Namibia Economist
http://www.economist.com.na/
University of Namibia
http://www.unam.na/
The Namibian Daily Newspaper
http://www.namibian.com.na/
Namibian Parliament
http://www.parliament.gov.na/

A senior member of an African observer group monitoring Namibia's elections had his own election in Zimbabwe's 2000 poll annulled because of violent intimidation in his constituency, according to court records, reports South Africa's The Star newspaper. Shadreck Chipanga, a former director of Zimbabwe's notorious secret police, was identified by witnesses as being at the wheel of a pick-up truck carrying ruling-party supporters who disembowelled a young man on the bonnet of the vehicle. The Namibian Society for Human Rights has issued a statement over the controversy.

A lack of resources has forced civil society actors to scale down on the number of observers to be trained and deployed in the upcoming election from 900 to 270, according to an election update by the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa. EISA said other factors likely to undermine election monitoring efforts included a late start to the sensitising, mobilising and training of observers at community level and inadequate publicity. But EISA also pointed to the role of other civil society organisations in the electoral process. "Other contributions are those of the National Society for Human Rights (NSHR), that started monitoring the electoral process by dispatching its human rights monitors to supplementary voter registration points, as well as to campaign rallies of political parties to monitor the extent to which parties are shouldering their responsibility towards ensuring an atmosphere for the free expression of political conviction, without threat or fear of intimidation."

Just weeks away from Namibia's parliamentary and presidential elections, two main opposition parties are considering boycotting the polls, accusing the public broadcaster of political bias. The Congress of Democrats (CoD) and Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) last Thursday alleged that the Namibian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) was awarding the ruling SWAPO party a disproportionate amount of television airtime. A third opposition party has taken court action to force the NBC to give equal coverage.

After having perused the Criminal Procedure Bill, NSHR has found the draft legislation to be soaked with serious and inadmissible omissions and ambiguous definitions as well as lacking incorporation of UN and other international instruments on the administration of justice and the protection of persons subject to detention or imprisonment.

Human rights defenders were subjected to hate speech and other forms of bigotry and incitement over the weekend at a SWAPO Party rally intended to introduce the party's new manifesto to the electorate. In this case, hate speech is public speech intended to hurt and intimidate or to incite violence or any other prejudicial action or hate crime against real or perceived political opponents.

On October 7 2004, the state prosecution in the Caprivi high treason trial asked the court to place a partial ban on the media's reporting of the trial. State Advocate Taswald July asked Judge Elton Hoff to order the media not to reveal the identity of the third witness the State intends to call. The state's prosecution team stressed the fact that they were neither asking for a total ban on the media reporting on the trial proceedings, nor on the publication of the testimony given by the witness. Human rights and media activist however questioned the efficacy of the order, if granted, as it only seeks to prevent the media from reporting on and disclosing the identity of one of the witnesses. The public, however, is allowed free access to both courts and prisons. All 120 treason suspects are in custody and being tried at Grootfontein.

BACKGROUND
In the early hours of August 2, 1999, members of a secessionist group, the Caprivi Liberation Army (CLA), launched an armed attack on government forces and buildings in the regional capital of Katima Mulilo in the Caprivi region of north eastern Namibia. According to official sources, they attacked the police headquarters, the local offices of the Namibian Broadcasting Corporation, an army base and an immigration post. In the attacks, 11 people were killed, at least six of whom were members of the security forces. That evening, President Samuel Nujoma declared a State of Emergency. A curfew was imposed in Katima Mulilo and Namibia's borders with Angola, Zambia and Botswana were closed. Mishake Muyongo, leader of the CLA, was granted political asylum in Denmark.