‘Here you are, brother: Caught in the wheels of history, part of processes that transform the world and part of systems that destroy it.’

Long before people took to the streets of Tunis and the squares of Cairo, two important acts of mass civil resistance tipped the balance of power and forced concessions for democratization in Guinea (2007) and Madagascar (2009), with women maintaining visible leadership within the top tiers of the mobilizations.

If aid is not in the interests of African peoples’, why would aid conditionality be a tool for African social justice?

Access to flexible funds, solidarity, nurturing and safe environments, and a willingness to engage for the long term are some of the key needs of movements for change, writes Hakima Abbas.

Fahamu is pleased to announce the appointment of Hakima Abbas as its new executive director (ED). Hakima began with Fahamu as the coordinator of the AU Monitor initiative and subsequently served as deputy director over the last two years. The founding director, Firoze Manji, stepped down as ED in January 2010 to enable him to lead on Pambazuka News and Pambazuka Press, a position he will continue with. Hakima takes up the post as executive director of Fahamu in November 2010. Here she maps out her perspectives for the future direction of the organisation.

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/500/10_500.gifIn a speech given to the Africa–Canada Forum, Hakima Abbas discusses the contemporary challenges for Africa’s self-determination and the centrality of the continent’s social movements in ‘entrenching democratic principles’.

In Preparation for the AU Summit

In response to the overwhelming inquiries from our subscribers for more information on the themes, potential advocacy avenues and logistical details for the upcoming AU summit in Addis Ababa, the AU Monitor has put together a short summary with relevant information.

This week’s AU Monitor brings you news from the African Union where a meeting of the Ministerial Committee on the Union Government is taking place in Addis Ababa between the 27th and 28th of November. According to the Accra declaration adopted in June 2007, the committee is set up for the: “identification of the contents of the Union Government concept and its relations with national governments; identification of domains of competence and the impact of the establishment of the Union Government on the sovereignty of member states; definition of the relationship between the Union Government and the Regional Economic Communities (RECs); elaboration of the road map together with timeframes for establishing the Union Government; and identification of additional sources of financing the activities of the Union.”

In regard to regional integration, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) held its annual coordination meeting with development partners’ where the Strategic Vision for 2020 was presented along with ECOWAS’ key strategic plans for the attainment of its objective to move from an ‘ECOWAS of states’ to an ‘ECOWAS of peoples’. The strategy aims at a borderless region “where people have access to and are able to harness its enormous resources through the creation of opportunities for sustainable production and environment”.

Whilst the Ministerial Committee meets to discuss continental integration, Joseph Coomson writes of the fragmentary effect of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) on Africa despite the recently developed policy statement created by African, Caribbean and Pacific Ministers touted as the most comprehensive such position thus far in the negotiations. The statement not only underscores the differences among ACP country negotiations but outlines principles upon which the negotiations should be based.

Also in trade news, Xinhua reports that Sino-African trade is likely to grow faster than previously expected and will reach one hundred billion dollars before 2010. In addition, a China Africa Development Fund has been established and is expected to spend between $300 and 400 million in around twenty to thirty Chinese or Chinese-African joint ventures in 2008.

The AU Monitor also features an interview conducted by IPS with Dr. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem on the realisation of the Millennium Development Goals where he states that “one of the biggest scandals in the implementation of MDGs, and one that civil societies and the media really need to focus on, are the MDGs in relation to women. Indeed, all MDGs are about women because they are the majority, and therefore real development cannot take place without full participation and empowerment of women.” In regard to women’s rights, Faiza Mohamed introduces the special issue of Pambazuka News on the anniversary of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa while a Ministerial Council on Science and Technology meeting this week decided to hold a forum for African women in science and technology.

Also in relation to the MDGs, Mukundi Mutasa writes about the recently released report “Our Environment, Our Wealth”, which highlights the potential of African natural resources for development. While the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is urged by United Nations Special Envoy on AIDS in Africa, Elizabeth Mataka, to strengthen their collective response to HIV/AIDS.

Good governance becomes the focus of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) conference in Nigeria, where peer review was described as designed for and by Africans to encourage a culture of accountability on the Continent rather than for external benefactors. Yet it is to the “external benefactors” that Mohammed Ibrahim, who initiated a prize for good governance in Africa, directed criticism at an Africa Investor Conference. He claims that Western nations and businesses cannot be absolved for helping corrupt officials and for being conduits for stolen funds.

As the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights concludes in Congo Brazzaville, human rights defenders call on African States to prevent forced disappearances and the impunity that accompanies these crimes. This follows the launch of a Pambazuka News special issue on human and peoples’ rights reflecting on the challenges and accomplishments of the Commission as it celebrates its 20th year of existence.

Lastly, in peace and security news, the transition from the existing African Union peace keeping operation in Darfur to a strengthened hybrid United Nations-African Union force, known as UNAMID, continues as Chinese and Bangladeshi troops arrive in Sudan.

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/328/fahamu_aubook_cover_200.jp… setting the scene with an account of how and why Africa has developed its own system for protecting human and peoples' rights, Hakima Abbas concludes that the success of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, in spite of 'the seeming lack of political will on the part of African states and governments to hold one another accountable for violations of fundamental freedoms', lies primarily in the distinctive engagement of civil society.

Since independence from colonialism, Africa has continued to bear witness to gross violations of human rights: from the genocide in Rwanda, leading to some 8000,000 deaths in as little as 100 days, to the continued violence in the DRC which has claimed more than 4 million lives, 1,000 people daily. The continent is home to some 120,000 child soldiers – more than a third of the global number. Africa has more internally displaced people than the rest of the world combined, with over 13 million people forced to flee from their homes and 3.5 million crossing international borders as refugees. The impact of HIV/AIDS has devastated whole communities, while access to health and information remains limited for some of the world’s poorest people.

While the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) recognised and upheld the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the organisation was firmly rooted in the doctrine of non-interference between states established in the liberation era when unity and solidarity against colonialism were the primary driving force for the institutionalisation of pan-Africanism. The concepts of sovereignty and independence that made the OAU an effective anti-colonial body were later used to stifle human rights protection by implying political apathy toward the abuse by African states against their own people.

Following the 1963 adoption of the charter of the OAU, African leaders were invited to study the possibility of adopting an African convention on human rights. At that time, states and other perpetrators of human rights abuses on the continent often used a cultural relativist argument to dispel criticism and resist change in policy and practice. Accusing human rights defenders abroad and nationally of ‘neo-colonialism’ and labelling the very concept of human rights as ‘western values’, they failed to acknowledge or be held accountable to African human rights principles and norms that had yet to be formally enshrined into a charter system. This was soon to change due, primarily, to the efforts of the Association of African Jurists.[1] As early as 1961, African jurists convened under the auspices of the International Commission of Jurists and formulated the concept of an African human rights charter and court. Yet, only in 1979, after repeated calls from these jurists, did the OAU under the leadership of Togolese Edem Kodjo finally address the issue of human rights and make clear their relationship with African development. By the end of the same year, a committee of experts met in Dakar, under the direction of the OAU, to draft a charter on human rights. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights was finally adopted in Nairobi, Kenya, in July 1981.

The African system of human and peoples’ rights is both universal in character and distinctively African in its scope and principles. Now under the auspices of the African Union (AU),[2] Africa has a wealth of human rights mechanisms, laws and norms,[3] at the centre of which lies the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the charter, hereafter). Unlike other human rights treaties, the charter uniquely recognises collective rights, individual duties and third generation rights, while also characteristically underscoring the interdependence between political and civil rights and economic, social and cultural rights. Following its adoption in 1981, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights came into force only in 1986 but has since been ratified by all 53 states of the African Union and is widely recognised within Africa, at least rhetorically, as setting the standard for the protection of human rights.
While some in the international community question the necessity of regional protection mechanisms given the very precept of universality enshrined in the concept of human rights, it is generally accepted that the advantage of such mechanisms are the common interest of states within a regional bloc in upholding human rights, the ability of these states and civil society within them to influence one another, as well as the ability to define human rights norms based on shared values within a region.[4] Such regional human rights mechanisms also exist in the Americas and Europe.

The charter laid the groundwork for the establishment of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the commission, hereafter), which was established in 1987. The commission has as its mission to promote and protect the rights enshrined in the charter by considering periodic state reports on national implementation and respect for the rights enshrined in the charter; contributing to the development and definition of human rights norms and principles on the continent; hearing complaints from states, civil society and individuals on human and peoples’ rights violations, issuing reports containing findings on whether abuses have occurred and making recommendations to the state and other perpetrators to remedy these violations; conducting fact-finding missions and establishing special procedures, such as appointing special rapporteurs and working groups, on salient issues on the continent.

While the principles of the charter have been widely adopted throughout Africa, as has the mandate of the commission, the principle of non-interference between states seems still entrenched. To this day, the African commission has heard only one inter-state complaint since its establishment. Despite the seeming lack of political will on the part of African states and governments to hold one another accountable for violations of fundamental freedoms, the success of the commission lies primarily in the engagement of civil society in its work. The Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights does not explicitly define who is able to seize (appeal to) the commission with individual complaints but the commission itself has interpreted the charter to broadly permit individuals and NGOs to submit complaints. Additionally, at every session of the commission, an NGO forum – currently organised by the African Centre for Human Rights and Democracy Studies in Africa (ACHRDS) – precedes the official opening and deliberations.

The NGO forum has established itself as an important part of the commission’s work by providing reports on thematic and regional situations as well as providing a platform for joint civil society advocacy and action. In recognition of the important contribution of civil society to the commission’s work, the final communiqué of the NGO forum is read out to representatives of states, commissioners, and civil society during the opening ceremony of each commission session. The NGO forum has been successful in putting issues of importance on the agenda of the commission and in providing alternative information for the commission to consider alongside state reports. Further, the NGO forum has proved invaluable in creating a network of steadfast African civil society organisations that effectively engage pan-African policy makers and institutions to create real change in Africa. Holding not only the states and governments to account, the NGO forum has effectively pushed for greater emphasis on the commission’s work at the African Union, thus contributing to the furtherance of a culture of respect for rights in Africa.

In November 2007, the commission will be celebrating its 20th year of operation at its 42nd ordinary session in Congo-Brazzaville. At this juncture in the evolution of the commission and with the imminent operation of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights,[5] it is important to critically assess the successes, challenges and effectiveness of the human and peoples’ rights system in Africa. The only true measure for such an assessment is the changes in reality for individuals and communities across the continent.
With this yardstick, it is difficult to ignore the failures of the present system as we observe the tragedies in Darfur, the ongoing crisis in Northern Uganda, the widespread violations of women’s rights, the systematic use of torture and other cruel and degrading punishment by state actors, among other violations that continue to be widespread in Africa. Given that the state is primarily responsible for guaranteeing human and peoples’ rights, it requires no leap of logic to conclude that without the political will to respect these rights, violations will continue unabated. But even beyond the will of states to hold one another and themselves accountable, the African human rights system faces very fundamental challenges. Among these is simply the lack of knowledge of these rights and mechanisms across the continent.

It is indeed true that there is a gap between the decisions made in most pan-African institutions and the people of the continent directly affected by these decisions. However, this fact is particularly detrimental when dealing with the commission since its recommendations and decisions are not binding, thus, they rely heavily on political will for enforcement. Yet, the states’ determination to implement the recommendations of the commission will continue to be deficient as long as there is no internal pressure for realisation. In order for the people of Africa to hold their heads of states and governments accountable to their obligations under the charter and the decisions of the commission, there needs to be widespread popularisation and promotion of these rights and recommendations. The commission, states themselves and civil society should lead this national sensitisation and institutionalisation campaign, with the media playing an essential role.

Suggestions have further been made that the African human rights charter system needs to be integrated into the legal culture in Africa by making it an inherent part of the curriculum in universities and law schools throughout the continent. This legal institutionalisation at the national level would ensure that the charter system is cited in national jurisprudence and used by lawyers who would, in turn, make it accessible to their clients.[6]

The current impediment to widespread publicity of the charter and the decisions of the commission has largely been the lack of a concerted multi-stakeholder effort across the continent. However, the charter itself contains a provision, unheard of in other regional human rights systems, which requires the assembly of heads of states and governments to approve the commission’s reports before they become public.[7] As a matter of course, the assembly has approved the publication of the commission’s reports. Yet, in 2004, this procedure, which had previously been taken for granted, was subjected to scrutiny as the publication of the commission’s activity report on a fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe was postponed by the assembly on the basis of the claim by the government of Zimbabwe that it had not been given the opportunity to respond. This unique precedent underlines the danger, especially in situations as politically contentious as the crisis in Zimbabwe, that the decisions of the commission may be made obsolete if silenced by African heads of states and governments.

Additionally, for the mechanisms, institutions and avenues for advocacy in Africa to be effective, the system must be utilised to its fullest potential. The use of laws creates precedence, the use of advocacy forums generates accountability and the sustained use of mechanisms enhances their powers of enforceability. However, the potential impact of direct advocacy within Africa has been little tapped by international NGOs and resource-constrained national or local human rights defenders. The underuse of this system is detrimental, with most solutions to human rights violations in Africa sought from outside the continent. While a global strategy is necessary, what is needed, to complement to the current emphasis on international protection, is a new approach that originates from the continent, embraces the existing system of protection and promotion in Africa and provides a pro-active Pan-African response to violations.

While one of the strengths of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights is the distinctive engagement of civil society, it is a tireless select number of African human rights organisations that have created the space for their engagement in the system through the NGO Forum and other platforms. While at the African Union level, efforts have been made by states to undermine access and meaningful engagement by civil society by creating criteria for observer status that favour governmental NGOs (GONGOs) rather than independent civil society organisations,[8] criteria for observer status at the commission itself allow for a wide range of civil society organisations and individuals to bring complaints before it. However, access to and engagement with the commission, as with other pan-African institutions, favours international NGOs because of the lack of resources, understanding of potential impact, and access to information available to national and local human rights defenders. Yet it is these local and national civil society organisations and activists that are critical in ensuring national implementation of the rights enshrined in the charter and enforcement of the recommendations of the commission. Despite this, the NGO forum successfully and critically attempts to amplify the voice of African human rights defenders in the proceedings. Such endeavours must be supported and expanded for the commission to be strengthened.

As of 2005, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights had issued an average of ten decisions per year, as compared to the Inter-American Human Rights Commission, which made decisions in approximately 100 cases per year. There are several reasons for the stark difference, but the budgetary contrast is striking: the African commission has a budget of $200,000 for each session, whereas the inter-American commission has an annual budget of $2.78 million and $1.28 million in external contributions and, as with the African commission, holds two sessions per year.[9]

Further to budgetary considerations to strengthen human rights system, complementary treaties to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights have the potential to strengthen respect for human and peoples’ rights in Africa. Currently, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, which came into force in 1999, has been ratified by 37 states and established the Committee on the Rights and Welfare of the Child to promote and protect child rights. However, if the commission remains obscure to many on the continent, the committee remains largely unheard of. Yet, other endeavours to complement the system have been more successful. In November 2005 the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa came into force. Having been adopted by the African Union in 2003, the protocol has been the fastest African treaty to come into force. This success is due primarily to the tireless efforts of women’s rights activists and human rights defenders across the continent, who formed coalitions, such as the Solidarity for Women’s Rights in Africa (SOAWR), to advocate regionally and nationally for the immediate ratification of the protocol without reservation. Proving that human rights protection and promotion is only as strong as the movement of defenders behind it, as suggested by Dr Issa Shivji,[10] the protocol lays the foundation for greater protection of women’s rights on the continent.

While the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, under Article 18 (3), addresses the rights of women, it has some shortcomings: its lack of a definition of discrimination, the scope of the rights it enumerates and its emphasis on tradition, which has been used, in some instances, to justify the violation of the rights of women. The protocol, however, is perceived to be groundbreaking in its breadth of rights. Though states seem to have readily adopted the protocol many have done so with reservations that are antithetical to the very principles of the protocol. It also remains to be seen how these states implement the rights enshrined in the treaty nationally. What seems certain, however, is that states will be held accountable to the commitments they have made under the protocol should the African women’s rights movement apply the same determination and coordination it used during the entry into force phase of the protocol to the domestication and enforcement phase.

In addition to the specialised treaty system that sits with the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the African Union has finally established the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights to complement the protection of the commission. The protocol establishing the court came into force in 2004, after six years of waiting for the 15 state ratifications it needed, but the court has yet to become fully operational. While civil society hopes that the court can incorporate the lessons from the commission’s 20 years of experience, the political will so lacking to push the commission’s work to the fore of the African Union appears to still be missing in respect to the court. In a controversial step, the AU decided in July 2004 to merge the court with the African Court of Justice. What remains unclear is whether this merger, as yet still fully to be defined, will cause the adjudication of human rights cases to be delayed because of the differences in jurisdiction, rules and procedures of the two courts.

The establishment of the court is welcomed because it provides a legally binding recourse for survivors and victims of human rights violations as opposed to the recommendations of the commission, which rely so heavily on political will for enforcement. However, its potential to play a key role in providing remedy to victims is undermined by the fact that, unlike the commission, individuals and NGOs are unable to seize the court directly unless the state concerned has made a declaration under Article 34 (6) of the protocol establishing the court. Given the record of inter-state complaints at the commission,[11] this provision has the potential of rendering the court mute, except in cases that are referred from the commission. The complementarity between the court and the commission also remains unclear. For instance, Christof Heyns suggests that if in fact states made the declaration allowing access to the court by individuals and NGOs, the stipulation that such access be direct may undermine the commission as survivors and victims would be forced to chose, from the outset, between the potentially legally binding decision of the court and forfeiting the opportunity to seize the court by bringing a communication to the commission, where the best outcome would be a non-binding recommendation.[12] These and other similar issues certainly need to be resolved if the court is to strengthen the African human rights system.

Further to the additional protocols and protection mechanisms, other organs of the African Union dealing with good governance, development, rule of law and human rights, are complementary to the commission’s work. Notable among these is the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) and its associated African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), which monitors states compliance with their obligations under regional treaties. It is vital that these processes are harmonised with the work of the commission so as to ensure the greatest protection for human and peoples’ rights. The objectives of the APRM are based on the four focus areas of the ‘Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance’.[13] Less widely accepted than the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the APRM has been acceded to by some 23 African states. Like the commission, the APRM has no enforcement mechanism but has been an important process in the few countries where the process has been carried out as it has included many stakeholders, including civil society, and has received regional attention. The commission’s decisions, recommendations and findings can and should provide reference for the APRM review. Further, the commission should participate in the preparation of the background report and review visits of the APRM in countries where communications have been heard and human and peoples’ rights violations found to have occurred, thus allowing for follow up and monitoring of implementation of commission decisions via consistent APRM reviews.[14] This state compliance with the findings and recommendations of the commission should be explicitly reviewed through the APRM as a means of strengthening enforcement and the protection of human and peoples’ rights.

In conclusion, as the ‘African renaissance’ of the new millennium is framed with the self-determined precept of African solutions to African problems, it is crucial that regional human and peoples’ rights protection are strengthened. Indeed, the African Charter and Commission on Human and People’s Rights provide a sound foundation, though not without inherent weaknesses, to guarantee the protection of these rights. As the commission advances towards its third decade, the challenges, failures and successes of its work must be critically assessed and the lessons drawn. In order to strengthen the protection the commission is charged with, African heads of states and government, through the African Union, must cease to de-legitimise the commission, be it through the lack of funding or the postponement of its reports; take all appropriate steps to facilitate a coordinated campaign to popularise the role and recommendations of the commission; ensure that the highest protection of human and peoples’ rights is guaranteed through complementary mechanisms and norms; and further strengthen civil society engagement with the commission.

The commission has proved itself to be the organ of the African Union that underscores the importance of African citizen and civil society engagement with pan-African institutions by illustrating that human rights protection is only as effective as the peoples’ movement spurring it on. Without the consistently active participation of African civil society, the ‘ghettoisation’ of the commission within the AU would have been absolute. Yet, through the efforts of the people of Africa demanding their rights, the commission has made waves in shifting the culture of denial and impunity among heads of states and other perpetrators of human rights violations, at least rhetorically, to one of recognition of the rights enshrined in the charter. It is high time these efforts were heeded so that the people of Africa can see real change in their lives and enjoy the rights and protection long overdue them. Only then will the man-made tragedies of Africa cease and the continent can, at long last, progress on the road to development.

* Hakima Abbas is the AU Policy analyst for Fahamu Networks for Social Justice

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

For references and notes, see link below.

On the heels of the High Level Panel’s invitation for e-submissions, the AU Monitor urged African civil society and citizens to contribute to the process of a “Peoples’ Audit of the AU”. This week, the AU Monitor brings you the perspective of Charles Mutasa, AFRODAD Executive Director and Deputy Presiding Officer of ECOSOCC, which provides critique and analysis of ECOSOCC, along with a policy brief from AfriMap that provides recommendations for open, democratic and transparent AU policies and processes as well as a call from the Peoples’ Hurricane Relief Fund for the AU to increase its outreach, support and contribution to the African Diaspora.

Furthermore, heeding the call for a written submission before the completion of the panel’s first draft of their report, a joint preliminary civil society statement was formulated and endorsed by over twenty civil society organisations and coalitions working in over thirty countries. The high-level panel extended the days on which they were to convene, according to their working agenda, in order to hear the submission which was presented by a delegation of civil society representatives: myself, Hakima Abbas of Fahamu’s AU Monitor initiative, Eyob Balcha of Afroflag Youth Vision, Faiza Mohamed of Equality Now and the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition (SOAWR), and Alioune Tine of Recontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (RADDHO).

During the meeting, we delivered the joint statement and provided reference documentation, including, the CSO Accra communiqué and the executive summary of the report Towards a People-Driven African Union. The floor was then given to each civil society representative to elaborate on the recommendations of the statement based on their areas of expertise. Eyob Balcha delivered a statement from a youth perspective in which he recommended the creation of an AU institutional framework through which the participation of African youth is mainstreamed in continental decision-making processes, including the inclusion of youth representatives in national delegations; the creation of a permanent continental youth body responsible for engagement with sub-regional and national youth initiatives; and the practical implementation of the agreed decisions and provisions of the African Youth Charter.

Following Eyob’s presentation, Faiza Mohamed offered recommendations and insight to the panel from a gender perspective. She recommended that the Commission be provided a mandate to monitor and report on the implementation of AU decisions by member states and that the AU consider imposing sanctions on member states that do not deliver on their commitments to ratify and domesticate the AU/OAU protocols. Also, noting that the Women, Gender and Development Directorate (WGDD) is under-resourced and that it has been a year since the position of director of the Directorate remains vacant, she urged the review panel to investigate the effects of such a lack of leadership on programs. She also recommended that the fifty-fifty gender balance policy of the African Union be strictly and promptly implemented at the Commission and that Member States be urged to consider implementing this gender balance in its representation at the Permanent Representatives Committee and Executive Council of the African Union.

Lastly, Alioune Tine addressed the panel regarding the need for democratic participation and governance with in the African Union. He noted the difficulties civil society have had in accessing important information, in obtaining visas for participation in AU summits and other meetings and the lack of public spaces within the AU compound itself (comparing the space to the United Nations building). He sited as an example of lack of information that, despite his organisation being a member of ECOSOCC, he was unaware, until his arrival in Addis, of the continental elections taking place on Monday October 31st. He noted that an example of successful partnership between civil society and the AU was participation in the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. However, he also noted that the criteria for observer status that requires organisations to be funded with a majority of resources derived from its membership is not realistic for most African NGOs. Finally, Alioune noted that the AU must take into further consideration geographic and linguistic spread in all its meetings so as to ensure that nobody is excluded based solely on our colonial experiences.

As the floor was opened to questions from the panel, further elaboration was requested and provided on access to information via the website, which we considered largely insufficient. For example, amendments to the consultative act are not available on the AU site and the ECOSOCC website is not up to date. In addition, it was noted that the media should have stronger interface with the AU so that information is popularised at the national level not just through the Internet (to which many do not have access) but also through TV, radio and print. The panel was reminded that the legitimacy of civil society is often based on a public mandate and that while we do not equate civil society with citizenry, we believe that a strong civil society interface with the AU will enable greater implementation of decisions at the national level. In addition, the panel were made aware of the public consultations that were held in ten countries in advance of the Accra summit that informed the CSO communiqué from Accra. In terms of ECOSOCC we brought attention to the fact that the Interim President of the General Assembly was not given official space to present her report at the last summit and that such disregard by Heads of States reflects badly on the potential policy influence of the council. More detail was presented regarding SOAWR activities and organisations as an example of how successful civil society engagement can push AU treaty processes forward and drive national implementation. In regard to the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, we noted that there is a civil society coalition that has been very active in driving ratification and that complimentarity is needed vis a vis the protocol of the Court and the Commission – indeed, that it is necessary for there to be a thorough review of the complimentarity of treaties and protocols across the board. Lastly we remarked that civil society itself has taken the lead to strengthen our engagement with the AU, citing as an example that the AU Monitor was set up by a range of civil society organisations, though now led by Fahamu, to provide news, information and analysis to a broad range of organisations and citizens across Africa.

The Chairperson noted civil society’s commitment to engaging the audit process and reiterated that further documentation would be welcomed throughout the process. He also ensured us that the recommendations and ideas from civil society and citizens would be duly taken into account in the drafting processes.

In this week's AU Monitor, we bring you news and documentation for forthcoming AU meetings on children, industry and of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council. In addition, the AU Monitor features interviews from the African Development Bank (AfDB) with resource mobilization lead expert, Boubacar Traoré, who sheds light on the Multilateral Development Banks’ meeting on debt-related issues held at the World Bank and with Ms Motselisi Lebesa, Principal Public Utilities Economist at NEPAD’s Regional Integration and Trade Department, who talks of Africa's infrastructure deficit and the approaches developed by NEPAD and AfDB in two recent studies. Also at the African Union, the President of the African Union, Ghana’s Head of State, John Kufuor, has appointed Cameroonian Vice President of Transparency International, Barrister Akere Tabeng Muna, as a member of the African Union Audit Commission, in conformity with the Accra Declaration in which Heads of States and Government agreed that, in order to attain the Union Government, "an Audit of the Executive Council in terms of Article 10 of the Constitutive Act, the Commission as well as the other organs of the African Union" be conducted prior to the January summit of the African Union in Addis Ababa.

In Asian-African news, the AU Monitor brings you an important article by Mills Soko on African and Indian economic ties, enunciating the potential for lessons and skills sharing, Dr. Soko states: "Africa has become the emerging market for Indian products and enterprises and an alternative source of energy for India, while African exports, including natural resources, agricultural goods and household consumer items, have grown exponentially." Further, in Sino-African relations, the African Union announced this week the donation of $300,000 by the Chinese government for peacekeepers in Somalia. Also in peace and security news, the AU Mission in the Sudan has condemned an attack by the Justice and Equality Movement and the Unity faction of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA-Unity) on a Sudanese army base in Kordofan while the United Nations Secretary General also condemned the government bombings on Southern Darfur on Tuesday.

In regional news, President of the ECOWAS Commission, Dr Mohamed Ibn Chambas, urged the European Union to show understanding and flexibility in the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations, while, in a communiqué of the SADC Civil Society forum on “Ensuring Effective Civic Participation in Development and Democratic Governance”, Southern African civil society call upon heads of states and government to institutionalize and operationalize the participation of civil society in decision making at the national and regional levels; take concrete and urgent action related to the violations of human rights in Zimbabwe and Lesotho; and to enter trade negotiations, particularly with the EU, as a united bloc for the benefit of the region.

During the opening of the African Union Executive Council on June 28, President Alpha Oumar Konare, Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union (AU), referred to the issuance of the first diplomatic African Union passports in May 2007 as a symbolic gesture toward African citizenship. Civil society organisations (CSOs) attending the summit called for the AU to move beyond symbolism to action.

Launching a campaign to demand full freedom of movement across the Continent for every African, CSOs created African Citizens’ passports “valid until the member-states of the African Union issues an African Passport as required to fulfill the vision of a people driven African Union and a United Africa”. The passports were personally issued to the Hon Nana Akufo-Ado, Foreign Minister of Ghana, Hon Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, Foreign Minister of Senegal, Ghanaian writer Ama Ata Aidoo and South African artist Hugh Masekela as well as being distributed to 53 national delegations attending the Executive Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the AU.

The African Citizens’ passport is a response to a growing demand for an end to the humiliations and violations of rights suffered by Africans at borders throughout the Continent. Millions of African refugees, travelers and undocumented workers currently living outside of their countries of birth are exposed to discrimination and the denial of the rights to an identity, to freely work and access essential services. Women are disproportionately affected by arbitrary arrest, harassment, extortion and intimidation at border crossing as they represent the majority of cross-border and informal traders.

“We make all the noise about African unity yet Africans live within their Continent as refugees”, stated a young Ghanaian poet, DK Oseir Yaw on the need for African citizenship.

Mrs. Julia Dolly Joiner, Commissioner for Political Affairs of the AU Commission stated the benefits of freedom of movement across Africa at the Launching of the African Union Diplomatic and Service Passports. She noted that “free movement in the Continent will ultimately have a positive impact on the political, social, economic, cultural and developmental fronts, and contribute to greater integration, increased trade, investment, tourism, technological advancement, labour mobility and employment opportunities, student exchange through diverse educational opportunities, peace and security, larger markets for African goods and services, reduced brain drain, greater unity and prosperity, amongst others.”

The pan-Africanist vision of a unified Africa with one identity and one citizenship was espoused by leaders from Nkrumah to Nyerere but has yet to find concrete undertaking other than in national laws. Renewed momentum was given to the call for African citizenship and the establishment of the African passport during the First Conference of Intellectuals of Africa and the Diaspora, organized by the AU Commission in October 2004 in Senegal. Indeed, the right to freedom of movement is enshrined in several international and African instruments including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community.

The launching of the African Union Diplomatic and Service Passports in May was part of the AU's Priority Programme on Free Movement of Persons detailed in the 2004 - 2007 Plan of Action to Speed Up Integration of the Continent. The objective of the Plan of Action is said to be the promotion of rapprochement between the people of Africa and their interests and the building of collective awareness through free movement of people, goods and services across the Continent. As the Grand Debate on a Union Government concluded this week with the Accra Declaration, Heads of States recognized “that opening up narrow domestic markets to greater trade and investment through freer movement of persons, goods, services and capital would accelerate growth thus, reducing excessive weaknesses of many of our Member States” but failed to take concrete action to enable this freedom of movement. In order to move the debate into action, Heads of States of the AU could begin by abolishing the need for visas for African citizens traveling within Africa. Currently, an African from Kenya requires a visa to travel to Senegal and is forced to submit to the colonial paradigm by having to apply for such a visa from the French embassy. Conversely, a Senegalese citizen traveling to Kenya is forced to apply for the visa from the British embassy in Dakar. Yet, the abolition of visas is not unprecedented in Africa. In the ECOWAS region, citizens of West African States can travel without visas throughout the 15 countries. It is only this type of action that would directly and concretely affect the lives of millions of Africans and capture the imagination of the people which would revive a faith in the pan-African sentiment of State leaders. As Emmanuel Akwetey of the Ghana AU Civil Society Coalition argues, “We cannot have a union of African states or even a continental government without continental citizenship. If citizenship is the fundamental basis of any democratic national state, why shouldn’t it be so at the level of the Africa Union?”

The United States of Africa is a notion cherished in the minds of Pan-Africanists from the continent to the diaspora. The proposal currently on the table at the African Union is elaborated in the 'Study on an African Union Government Towards the United States of Africa'. Few critics entirely dismiss the principle of regional integration, but across Africa there is huge variance in the vision of a united Africa. As a contribution to a public debate on the proposals for continental government, we publish a special issue of Pambazuka News providing perspectives from a range of activists and intellectuals.

'Divided we are weak; united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for good in the world. I believe strongly and sincerely that with the deep-rooted wisdom and dignity, the innate respect for human lives, the intense humanity that is our heritage, the African race, united under one federal government, will emerge not as just another world bloc to flaunt its wealth and strength, but as a great power whose greatness is indestructible because it is built not on fear, envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the good of all mankind.' - Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah

The United States of Africa is a notion cherished in the minds of Pan-Africanists from the continent to the diaspora. Coined during the decolonisation period by liberation leaders and activists seeking the unity of Africa through political, economic and social integration, in 2007, the concepts and debates around the United States of Africa are seeing a rebirth at the African Union (AU). In June, a 'Grand Debate on the Union Government' will be the sole focus at the African Union Heads of States Summit. Symbolically held in Accra, Ghana, as the country celebrates its 50th year of independence marked by the ascent to presidency of one of the worlds leading Pan-Africanists, Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, the grand debate is based on the proposals coordinated by the committee of seven championed by Libya, Uganda and Nigeria.

The proposal currently on the table at the African Union is elaborated in the 'Study on an African Union Government Towards the United States of Africa'[1] . The Proposal underlines the need for common policy standards, harmonised approaches and joint trade, investment and development negotiations while underscoring the values of the rule of law, respect for human rights as well as popular and transparent governance as those that should underpin the Union Government. Proponents of a potential federation consider that regional integration will enable Africa to address the common challenges of political and economic exploitation, food insecurity, internal conflicts, amongst others, by empowering the continent with a united, self-determined voice and negotiation capacity that will wield due influence in the global context.

Few critics entirely dismiss the principle of regional integration but across Africa there is huge variance in the vision of a united Africa. Some claim that, given the failure of African nation building at a state level, as is manifested in a lack of democratic participation, civil wars, lack of development and widespread human rights violations among others, the United States of Africa is a dream that must be pursued, but can never be attained until each state is strengthened. Others still criticise the current proposal as too tempered to create any significant change to the realities for the people of Africa.

The study considers the establishment and implementation of Union Government in three phases, with a fully operational Union Government and the constitutional framework for a United States of Africa established by 2012. The Union Government would be composed of an Executive Council with a President and Vice President appointed by the Assembly for a term of six years and with commissioners appointed by the Executive Council. A legislative parliament would be elected by direct and universal adult suffrage with proportional representation.

While the participation of African peoples is envisaged through the African parliament and Economic, Social and Cultural Council of the African Union (ECOSOCC) consultations, which the proposal enshrines in all Assembly deliberations, the voice of the people most directly affected by potential regional integration have been barely heard, as African policy makers prepare themselves for the Grand Debate. Yet, the rhetoric of the African Union claims the vision of 'an Africa driven by its own citizens' [2].

The strategy for such a people-driven union has yet to be formulated or implemented sufficiently to sincerely suggest that the proposal and debate on a Union Government and United States of Africa are guided by the vision of the people of the continent. The African Union has, since its inception, been didactic, with decisions being made with little consultation. African CSOs and citizens have little access or understanding of the AU and its organs, so have limited opportunity to meaningfully participate. While the ECOSOCC provides a potential avenue for the voice of the people to contribute to AU decision making, the body is yet to be an influential force. The gap between regional policy makers and the people of the continent have serious implications for implementation of decisions and regional accountability.

In order to strengthen civil society and citizen engagement with the African Union and its organs, Fahamu established the AU-Monitor. The AU-Monitor provides relevant, high quality and timely information and analysis that enables meaningful participation of citizens in the debates of the African Union and facilitates civil society advocacy and policy setting. Recognising the potentially inadequate popularisation and engagement of citizenry in the Grand Debate on the Union Government at the Heads of States summit, the AU-Monitor has been soliciting articles, news and analysis by a variety of stakeholders with a range of perspectives.

This publication is a selection of the articles and interviews that have contributed to the on-going debate, which we hope will assist in catalysing the full potential of a people-driven, united Africa.

In this special issue, Tim Murithi provides a historic framework for the institutionalisation of Pan-Africanism. He assesses the role of civil society in contributing to the union government debate. Kwame Akonor asks whether the African Union and its processes of regional integration are simply the same rehashed endeavours that were tried and failed at the Organisation of African Unity, and proposes means of constructively overcoming these challenges.

Demba Moussa Dembele examines the external and internal challenges faced by Africa in the global context and questions whether the current African leadership is capable of building a United States of Africa. Muthoni Wanyeki highlights the reasons for the current impetus toward a union among Africa’s leadership and explores the implications of the union on the AU, outlining the challenges to the union project while setting out conditions for its success. While Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem reflects on the common citizenship anticipated within a federation and underscores the importance of the potential for realised freedom of movement on the continent, Faiza Mohamed explains why a gender perspective is important in analysing the perceived groundbreaking benefits of a federation which ignores the realities faced by African women. She raises the importance of placing women's economic empowerment at the forefront of the actualisation of Africas growth and development.

Addressing some of the questions raised by Abdul-Raheem about 'who is African', Selome Araya talks about the inclusion of the diaspora in the framing of regional integration, defining Africa as a history rather than a geography. Kisira Kokelo, Issa Shivji and Gichinga Ndirangu address the economic and developmental implications of a union government. Shivji draws on the experiences of regional cooperation in East Africa to address some of the potential pitfalls of regional economic and political integration. Eyob Balcha underscores the critical social aspect of integration. Finally, in an important contribution to the debate, Sanou Mbaye presents a concrete plan of action for federal government and calls for self-determined action toward a unified Africa.

'Pan Africanism is the fullest expression of our struggle today and our greatest building base is Africa. We must sensitise the member-states and push them to action. We must press for a public opinion that is pan Africanist at a continental level', Alpha Oumar Konare, Chairman of the African Commission, on the importance of the proposal for a Union Government, January 2007.

[1] To download the study please visit [2] Vision and Mission of the African Union, May 2004.

* Hakima Abbas is Fahamus Policy Analyst for AU-Monitor initiative
* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Heads of State, foreign ministers and central bank governors from seventy seven African nations met in Shanghai, China, last week for the African Development Bank’s (AfDB) annual meetings. The location of the meetings was pertinently and historically chosen in light of growing Sino-African relations, which, at the governmental level, have reached soaring heights and dimensions. Yet to be foreseen, however, are the implications for the people of Africa and China. It is to this uncertainty that a discussion was held on the peripheries of the AfDB fanfare between African and Chinese non-governmental actors in a meeting convened by China Development Brief, Fahamu, Focus on the Global South and the Transnational Institute.

The historic meeting of Chinese, African and other Southern non-governmental actors allowed for contemplative discussion and debate among academics, researchers and civil society organisations through open and critical dialogue. Participants included representatives from China, Kenya, Egypt, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Benin, South Africa, Mozambique, Burma, the Philippines, the Netherlands, UK, USA, Brazil, India and Australia. A new and nuanced perspective was illuminated that was neither merely rejectionist nor unquestionably accepting. The meetings began with reflections on the nature of Sino-African relations exploring the charges of neo-colonialism versus the expressions of South-South cooperation and mutual aid.

At the outset of the debates, Prof. Yan Hirong of the Department of Sociology at the University of Hong Kong challenged the vilification of Chinese relations in Africa in western media. She noted the importance of putting these trade and investment relations in the perspective of global trends where China is still a small player in Africa. However, Daniel Ribeiro from Justiça Ambiental in Mozambique observed that the impact of deforestation or the removal of livelihood on a community is itself colossal regardless of the size of Chinese investments in the particular nation. It is this impact that creates popular perceptions of Sino-African relations. Indeed, journalist Wang Yongcheng suggested that Chinese people view China to be helping Africa and are disconcerted by the apparent criticism and lack of appreciation. She said that little is heard in China about any negative effects of China’s involvement in the Continent. Ali Askouri, Piankhi Institute, provided an example of where Chinese corporations have been involved in projects that have a negative impact on communities in Africa. The Merowe Dam Project in Sudan is the largest hydropower project currently under construction in Africa. It is being implemented by two Chinese contractors and funded largely by China Export Import Bank. The construction of the dam will however cause the displacement, and affect the very survival, of some seventy thousand people living along the riverbanks. In Mr. Askouri’s view, it is unconstructive to debate whether Chinese actions are worse or better than those of western States as all actors should be held to the highest standards of accountability. Rather, he turned to his Chinese counterparts to find out how affected communities can effect change in the practice of Chinese corporations in Africa.

China’s government espouses the tenets of non-interference and non-conditionality in Africa as demonstrating recognition of self-determination in contrast to the neo-colonialist conditionality of western donors. Professor Xu Weizhong from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences considered hypocritical the cant advanced by western nations that perpetuates the perception of Africa as an economic burden rather than the prop from which industrialisation of the north was achieved and continues to be upheld. And in the same vein noted that “in the end Africans must be the deciders of their own destiny and must have the right to say whether their relationship with China is good for them or not.”

The non-interference and no-conditionality policy has many critics charging China with failing to encourage good governance. But yet African participants like Ali Askouri were not asking China to not invest in Africa, in fact he noted that the affected communities along the Nile River basin of Sudan are not, per se, against the dam project, but sought avenues to constructively bring the voices of Africa’s people to the table and wondered what role Chinese civil society could play in holding their government accountable.

While Chinese civil society is growing, it is still testing its position relative to the government and the people of China. Organizations are primarily focused nationally and have little experience or knowledge of China’s actions internationally despite parallel issues of concern. Their relations with the government tend to be cooperative rather than antagonist given that influence is most effectively leveraged in China through negotiation rather than the “naming and shaming” style of western NGOs. African civil society tends to be experienced and mature in their advocacy nationally and regionally but have little understanding and exposure to Chinese political waters and processes for change. The meeting began a much-needed open dialogue that needs to be continued and increased to enhance the opportunities of Sino-Chinese relations for communities in Africa and China.

The special issue of Pambazuka News, African Perspective on China in Africa (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/282), was translated (courtesy of China Development Brief) into Chinese and distributed to participants at the meeting.

At the meeting, Hakima Abbas discussed the outcome of the meeting with two of the African participants whose attendance at the meeting was facilitated by Fahamu.

Interview with Sara Musa El Saeed, a consultant with Christian Aid, Sudan. Being a consultant most of the answers are the personal perspective of the interviewee.

Pambazuka News: Why do you feel a meeting of African and Chinese non-governmental actors is important at this time?

Sara Musa El Saeed: Until now most of Africa-China relationships (or at least in the case of Sudan) are at the political/governmental level with minimum, if any, other levels of involvement. It is felt that non-governmental sector involvement might help in maintaining fair and just relationship with communities’ rights and concerns being observed. There is complete ignorance from both Chinese as well as African civil society organisations such as existing organisations, their focus, scope, expertise etc., which are the basic information required if any future cooperation is to take place thus this meeting is hoped to provide this forum for getting to know each other.

Pambazuka News: What are your key reflections on Sino-Africans relations coming out of the China in Africa meeting?

Sara Musa El Saeed: Still, I feel the two sides don’t know each other well enough to be able to plan future plans and/or joint activities or cooperation, so I think this meeting needs to be followed up with continued dialogue and discussions as well as other more specific meetings to create windows for discussion on specific issues such as the environment, HIV/AIDS etc., just to mention a few of the issues raised during the meeting.

Also, the general public on the two sides are not aware of what is going on, how this might affect them, how to address the relations, both to maintain best benefits out of this involvement as well as stop any harmful effects that might result for the two sides. I believe that this could be the role of the CSOs on the two sides of the equation. There are many similarities in the areas of concerns such as the environment, funding, political environment that could be prohibiting at some points, HIV/ADS, funding constraints which the two sides could cooperate in solving and share their available expertise and know-how. However this needs to build trust, contacts/connections and exchange of information, which cannot happen without closer contacts and knowing each other.

Pambazuka News: How do you think African civil society can enhance the opportunities and mitigate the threat of Chinese relations with Africa?

Sara Musa El Saeed: CSOs are in direct contact with communities that might be affected by these relationships. In many cases they are in a better position to get information and knowledge of the type and effects of the relationship in the respective area/region and assess the damage that might result from it. Also and hopefully they can be the organisers of their communities to plan and act together to mitigate and address such negative impacts. In fact what I am also dreaming of is that these meetings form a discussion area for African CSOs among themselves to organise networks and regional groups in case of larger effects that might affect the region (such as in the case of forests that are shared among more than one country, dams such as along the Nile basin etc.). Also (I might be dreaming) but if the same happened among Chinese CSOs and these groups from the two sides joined hands and formed pressure groups and information exchange centres I think CSOs would be a real force to stop negative impacts of any governmental or economical agreements.

Pambazuka News: How do you envisage Chinese and African civil society organizations, academics and researchers developing alliance to enhance the opportunities for communities in Africa and China?

Sara Musa El Saeed: As I said in the beginning, there is a knowledge and information gap among CSOs on the two sides and I think it is the role of the academics from the two sides to provide this missing information through research, studies, policy analysis and reforms etc.

Pambazuka News: What concrete outcomes do you hope to implement, or be a part of, coming out of the meeting in Shanghai?

Sara Musa El Saeed: We need to start thinking of how to keep the momentum and consolidate the Shanghai meeting by setting goals and future plans, this could be done by having continued dialogue and discussions among the current group, and I would be happy to take part in these discussions and dialogue be it through emails, meetings etc. In terms of follow up action, this is something I was hoping to come up very clearly from the meeting, however I think there has been some points raised which need to be followed up and formulated in the form of future plans or follow up action and again I would be happy to help in formulating these plans. I will be sharing the report of the meeting, which I hope to get from the organisers, as well as my own report and would be discussing with Christian Aid what role they can play in future actions.

Interview with Charles Mutasa, Executive Director of AFRODAD, Zimbabwe

Pambazuka News: Why do you feel a meeting of African and Chinese non-governmental actors is important at this time?

Charles Mutasa: There is more Chinese involvement in the African continent than ever before. A lot of business deals are being sealed between African leaders and Chinese leaders. Citizen concerns over the new investors in the continent have been voiced within many civil society platforms. The Sino-Africa summits at the African Union level have signalled to the world the need to interrogate this new phenomenon. Many countries are resorting to China as a counter weight for their tired relations with the west - the “look east” policy. China has been mentioned as supporting dictatorships in Africa especially the Sudanese government over Darfur human rights abuses and, as such, there is need to interrogate the new Chinese interest versus human rights.

Pambazuka News: What are your key reflections on Sino-Africans relations coming out of the China in Africa meeting?

Charles Mutasa: There is no citizens’ involvement in the whole Sino-African relations. This needs to be factored in by building CSO networks and linkages. There is a need to identify the best practices of the Sino-Africans relations and strengthen them and at the same time do away with weaknesses or disadvantages to Africa from the linkage. There is also a need to avoid the problems Africa had with the bank and IMF and ensure that they are not repeated in Sino-Africans relations. Both the Chinese and African governments must be engaged on issues of human rights and environmental protection, among others, as they do their business. People to people relations can also better transform the Sino-Africans relations – if there relations remain solely at the political leadership level the continent will benefit very little. Thus linking CSOs, academics, experts and others will help nurture the relations for the benefit of all.

Pambazuka News: How do you think African civil society can enhance the opportunities and mitigate the threat of Chinese relations with Africa ?

Charles Mutasa: At a regional level CSOs need to use various platforms (ECOSOCC, NEPAD, UNECA, trade unions, women movements and Pan African Parliament) to engage African leadership and advise it on the best way forward. The AU must have one continental approach guiding country engagements with China - it must be strategic and based on comparative advantage. The use of research, advocacy and the media will help in this case. Exposing, naming and shaming certain deals can help ease the situation. At a national level, open and transparent country stakeholders debates and assessment of projects and deals will help.

Pambazuka News: How do you envisage Chinese and African civil society organizations, academics and researchers developing alliance to enhance the opportunities for communities in Africa and China?

Charles Mutasa: There is a need to have exchange programs between Chinese and African NGOs; the promotion of sports, competition and cultural activities; university to university linkages; joint field missions to projects; annual meetings and Sino-Africans side events.

Pambazuka News: What concrete outcomes do you hope to implement, or be a part of, coming out of the meeting in Shanghai ?

Charles Mutasa: Exchange programs between China and African NGOs, joint field missions to projects and joint research and advocacy activities.

Interview with Antony Otieno Ong’ayo, Transnational Institute, The Netherlands. Country of Origin: Kenya

Pambazuka News: Why do you feel a meeting of African and Chinese non-governmental actors is important at this time?

Antony Otieno Ong’ayo: The meeting improved the NGO’s knowledge on policy issues, relevant national legislation and policies in their respective areas of engagement as well as relevant knowledge sharing resources (this implies sharing examples, experiences and lessons with peers).

Pambazuka News: What are your key reflections on Sino-Africans relations coming out of the China in Africa meeting?

Antony Otieno Ong’ayo: The need for partnerships and programmes focusing on learning more about how CSOs use evidence to influence policy processes, improving information and communication activities. The need for Chinese and African NGOs to take advantage of new circumstances, and focus on how to make use of interactive technology since technology is not only a tool but part of a co-evolutionary process that shapes organizational forms and practices. The need to access correct information from government as a way of finding issues to raise with them.

Pambazuka News: How do you think African civil society can enhance the opportunities and mitigate the threat of Chinese relations with Africa?

Antony Otieno Ong’ayo: Engagement in the transformation of national, international and trans-national political space. The need for consultations in different geographical regions of the developing world to learn more about the role that CSOs currently play in using evidence to promote development policy and practice, and explore what they need to do better.

Pambazuka News: How do you envisage Chinese and African civil society organizations, academics and researchers developing alliance to enhance the opportunities for communities in Africa and China?

Antony Otieno Ong’ayo: Working together to generate useful insights for improved practices. Identify opportunities for small-scale collaborative work and exchange programmes (at institutional, organisational and individual consultation capacity).

Pambazuka News: What concrete outcomes do you hope to implement, or be a part of, coming out of the meeting in Shanghai?

Antony Otieno Ong’ayo: Undertaking research in any area of China-Africa relations, the impact of Chinese investment from various perspectives especially on labour and human rights issues, the impact on policy issues among African governments, writing for publications in China and Africa (for China Development Brief and Pambazuka if frameworks for such contributions are created).

There is a need for another forum where concrete issues can be discussed as a follow up to the Shanghai meeting. In this meeting, concrete measures and action frameworks can be developed whereby some clear objectives could be set and an action plan developed to help realise such objectives. They can include joint activities (research, surveys, but also experience and information sharing which can be documented and shared between NGOs in China and Africa). Some policy recommendations can be developed for use in the dialogue process with Chinese and African governments of specific issues that are the main concern of civil society in both continents. A dialogue framework can also be developed through which those participating in the China Africa relations can engage with the African and Chinese governments, investors and financial institutions concerned as an alternative voice to influence policy on behalf of the communities affected by either political or economic policies that are implemented under Sino-Africa relations.

* Hakima Abbas is AU Policy Analyst with Fahamu

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org