Women’s exclusion from public spaces, and particularly the political realm, is systematic. It is structural in nature and is intensified by attitudes, cultures, norms and practices that seek to explain rather than address their exclusion from positions of power.

Tanzania has been praised globally for undergoing orderly and peaceful elections since the resumption of multi-party politics in 1992. But the 2015 elections, whether in Zanzibar or the union, can hardly be categorised as free or fair, by any standard. The climate of intimidation, manipulation and intrigue began well before the official campaign period.

The dominant discourse among Muslim women tends to be about dated cultural rules and practices, writes Salma Maoulidi. But activists are now increasingly preoccupied with contemporary questions such as leadership and political participation, as was the case at a recent conference in Istanbul

Salma Maoulidi writes that Tanzania has witnessed in the past week significant events in the country and region, which on the face of it may not appear related to her ongoing discussions on women and the constitution. However, from the president’s meeting with Islamic religious leaders, to the untimely death of Wambui Otieno-Mbugua, to the sinking of the ship off the coast of north Unguja, there is much to say about how these events make a more realistic discussion on women as subjects of the new constitution pertinent.

Looking at how Kenya's inheritance laws leave women in the lurch, Salma Maoulidi says it's impossible for African women to celebrate Africa Day when they are ‘not celebrated in the most intimate of spaces’ – their families and communities.

With Zanzibar celebrating 47 years since its 1964 revolution on 12 January, Salma Maoulidi discusses current political developments and asks which literary script might best capture the island’s experience.

Has Tanzania’s parliament elected Anna Makinda as its first female speaker because she’s the best person for the job, or because it thinks she’s less likely to demand accountability than her predecessor, asks Salma Maoulidi.

Salma Maoulidi looks at the future of Tanzania’s 50-50 Campaign as the country prepares for a general election. The campaign is meant to bring gender parity in parliament. Maoulidi argues the process is stalling as female politicians get caught up in a game where there is no women’s agenda and where women and women’s issues are largely absent from political debates.

Tanzanians preparing to go to the polls on 31 October are ‘keenly aware that the country’s political future is at stake’, says Salma Maoulidi. Their votes, writes Maoulidi, could redefine the direction of a country ‘jeopardised by the dominance of economic interests and buddy patronage pursued by the government of the incumbent candidate and ruling party.’

When children work in order to ensure the livelihoods of themselves and their families, should this be defined as child labour, asks Salma Maoulidi.

Greater investment is needed to boost adult literacy initiatives, but this doesn’t have to be spearheaded by government or donors. Salma Maoulidi explores how communities can promote a culture of intergenerational inquiry and learning by encouraging children to share the skills they gain at school with non-literate members of their family.

The wave of sentimentality surrounding Africa's first World Cup has concealed the persistence of marked gender discrimination around both how countries use public funds and conceive of organised sport, writes Salma Maoulidi. Football's popularity in countries like Tanzania and the political capital to be had by pandering to its followers, Maoulidi highlights, end up reinforcing discriminatory funding allocations and perpetuating a mismatch of opportunity along gender lines.

As Muslim leaders across Kenya meet to discuss the status of Kadhi’s (Islamic) courts in the country’s draft constitution, Salma Maoulidi looks at the challenges of securing legal and human rights compliance within a religious framework in Tanzania, where debate has been raging over the introduction of the Kadhi’s courts in the legal and judicial system.

Annual campaign ‘16 Days of Violence Against Women’ has raised the profile of violence against women through Tanzania’s local media, Salma Maoulidi writes in this week’s Pambazuka News, but there’s no guarantee that greater visibility of the issues will change attitudes and spark political to stop violence against women. Raising alarm over the ‘intolerable multi-dimensional culture of violence’ that women experience, Maoulidi makes a series of sixteen demands ‘to underscore fundamentals in changing an ideology and deeply seated culture of violence against women’.

As the United Nations Climate Change Conference approaches its final day, Salma Maoulidi writes in this week’s Pambazuka News of her elation at ‘the stance of African countries and other developing nations against a unilateral pollution emissions framework being imposed by rich, industrialised and polluting nations’. But, Maoulidi argues, unless key global governance structures are reformulated to make them relevant and accountable to global citizens, not just imperial and financial interests, the outcomes expected of international forums will remain elusive for Africa, no matter how well resourced and empowered the continent’s delegations.

Salma Maoulidi unpacks Nyerere's legacy in the realm of racial and religious tolerance. “As Nyerere became more exposed to politics and other races,” she observes, “he attained the sophistication of tolerating mutual coexistence where acknowledging the humanity of others in lieu of settling scores informed a more encompassing political strategy.” However, despite all his efforts and those of the liberation struggles, prevailing racial and religious tensions continue to find expression in post-independence Tanzania. Salma concludes that “Tanzania’s inability to overcome the vestiges of racial and religious exclusion exposes the government’s and the ruling party’s inability (or unwillingness) to address racial and religious discrimination that continues to dominate Tanzania’s political culture in a forthright and objective manner.”

cc Pan-Africanism gave rise to the civil rights movement in the US and to independence and anti-imperialist movements in Africa, writes Salma Maoulidi, but what is Pan-Africanism to the average African today? To a large extent, Maoulidi argues, it remains a global phenomenon that has focused on global political agendas and less so on struggles on the ground. What is missing, suggests Maoulidi, is ‘a popular expression of Pan-Africanism and a matching consciousness such that the concept does not appear surreal, abstract and out of touch with reality and the populace, particularly the youth who are the inheritors of its future.’

Salma Maoulidi pays tribute to Khalfani Hemed Khalfan, who died on 28 March 2009. Khalfan, an activist who campaigned primarily for the rights of people with disabilities in Zanzibar through organisation , helped bring about the passage of Tanzania's Disability Act and encouraged participation in civil society more broadly in Zanzibar.

cc Following a recent Tanzanian parliamentary session in which the minister of justice and constitutional affairs sanctioned a review of the Sexual Offences Special Provision Act (SOSPA) – with the intention of reducing the sentences of perpetrators – Salma Maoulidi examines the prevalence of gender-based violence and its impact upon women. Though a legitimate and profound issue, gender-based violence is rarely reported, and minimal action is taken against sexual offences at both the unofficial and official levels. Through a study Maoulidi conducted in Zanzibar, the author affirms that gender-based violence is frequently perceived as a moral rather than a legal crime, thus making prosecution difficult. Maoulidi is concerned with the influence which public officials and other figures of authority have in drafting and passing laws related to gender-based violence, and suggests that the minister did women and their struggle against sexual offences a disservice through his harmful and reckless remarks.

Exploring the challenges and limitations to have faced Tanzania’s educational development, Salma Maoulidi assesses the progress of various educational initiatives and the prospects for the country’s population. Underlining the importance of the role of both state and non-state actors in Tanzania’s implementation of effective policies, the author argues that putting adult learning and education (ALE) back on the national development agenda will be critical for the country’s negotiation of an ever globalising world.