Peace a year on in Southern Sudan: What has changed for women?

January 09 2005 marked the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Southern People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan. This article, from Strategic Initiatives for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) Network, which comprises 28 member organisations and advocates for social change and gender equality for women, assesses the lot of women one year after the CPA. In the field of employment, education and political participation, there remains a long way to go before the effects of war are overcome.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement, signed on the 9th of January by both the Southern People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the National Congress, put an end to over 20 years of civil conflict responsible for the death of 1.5 million and the displacement of 4 million in South Sudan. Through the CPA, the Sudan Interim Constitution came into being, giving hope to the throngs of Southerners living as IDPs in Khartoum as well as those who remained in the South or fled to neighbouring countries.

In addition to giving the South autonomy and an option of secession within six years, the Interim Constitution ensures the rights of non-Muslims as being exempt from Shari'a law. It also affirms gender equality, stating that
"The state shall emancipate women from injustice, promote gender equality and encourage the role of women in family and public life"(Sudan Interim Constitution [15(2)])

But, one year later, what has really changed on the ground for the women of Sudan? A series of interviews related to a variety of issues indicates that change is slow, and women's rights continue to be violated on a number of levels. Women continue to be wrongly imprisoned, sexually harassed and marginalised whilst those in charge do nothing to ensure their safety.

A provision relating to Shari'a law according to the CPA stated that "parts of the constitution are to be re-written so that Shari'a does not apply to any non-Muslim throughout Sudan." In theory, under the Interim Constitution, Shari'a no longer applies to non-Muslims. The reality, however, is different. The application of Shari'a law in the North remains indiscriminate, with ambiguity reigning over how laws have changed and who is exempt. Those mainly affected are women working in the informal sector. Lacking an infrastructure of support, they are continually marginalised and targeted by the authorities.

A former alcohol brewer (who wishes to remain anonymous) spoke out to SIHA about the corruption and impunity that she has experienced whilst trying to maintain a living. This woman, originally from the Nuba Mountains, had wished to attend University after completing the Sudan Certificate, but due to the impoverished situation of her family she was forced to seek employment. For this reason, she began to brew and sell alcohol. She lived every day in fear of being arrested, and on a number of occasions was captured by the authorities.

After the signing of the CPA, she heard rumours that the living conditions of women in the informal sector would improve, but: "The situation got worse and I decided to give up brewing. Our houses are still invaded in the hope of finding alcohol, and violence is more prevalent." Fearing for her safety, this woman began to sell tea. However, as a tea lady she receives no added sanctuary or security. She has no license and continues to live in fear. "I just want to feed my family," she says.
The situation of this woman is common amongst IDPs living on the margins of society in Khartoum. Lacking viable income-generating options, many women are forced into the informal sector, with numerous women brewing and selling alcohol.

One of the main issues stunting the ability of these women to enter mainstream society is their lack of education. In the war-ravaged South, there are limited options for schooling. Those schools which do exist are not governmental institutions; rather they are run by volunteers and classified as 'Community Schools'. As IDPs return to their homelands, work is in place to build schools and train teachers. However, the situation for marginalised girls remains difficult; their education being neglected by both guardians and state.

Maha Jarrah is a teacher at the Nubrass Centre, Omdurman, which offers evening classes from the basic level up to the Sudan Certificate. The students, aged15 -50, failed to receive an education whilst they were growing up. "It is very difficult for some families to send their children to school," claims Maha. "Even if you attend a government school, parents need to find money to give their children books, pay for examinations and sometimes contribute toward maintaining the school and classroom equipment." These costs are a deterrent for families with limited means. Even though Maha claims that there are more girls entering school at the basic level, she says the reason for this is a higher birth rate amongst girls. In actual fact, when parents are unable to pay for their children's schooling, they are more willing to sacrifice their daughters', rather than their sons' education. This means that more girls are missing out on their basic education, and there is a higher drop-out rate amongst girls than boys.

Illiteracy is prevalent amongst youth, and it is promising to see so many young (and old) adults returning to gain an education at evening classes like those held at the Nubrass Centre. However, it is important that today's children of both sexes receive their education whilst growing up. It is stated in the Interim National Constitution that: "The state shall provide free primary education,” [44 (2)] but as a vast number of families are still unable to pay for their children (and predominantly, their girls') education, we are forced to wonder how committed this government really is to supplying all of it's children with an equal opportunity to receive a basic education.

Since the signing of the CPA one year ago, it has been the dream of many IDPs to return to the South. However, for the majority, it is proving difficult to make their dream a reality. As refugees are given support to return to the South from neighbouring countries, the story is different for IDPs residing in Khartoum. Opportunities exist for their return, and a number of people have grasped at chances of aid in returning home; yet many families lack the knowledge and ability to seek out these opportunities.

Amal was born and brought up in a village community in the Nuba Mountains. But, as the conflicts began to threaten her and her family, she sought refuge in Khartoum. Like the majority of people who fled the conflict, Amal resides on the outskirts of the city in squalid and over crowded conditions. As a Christian IDP living in Khartoum, she feels marginalised and discredited. Living in a dwelling made of cardboard and plastic sheets, she remains nostalgic about her home in the Nuba Mountains and is eager to return. Amal's husband has already returned to the Nuba Mountains with one of his sons. However, Amal and her remaining six children were left behind in Khartoum with no financial means of returning. Although she has employment as a cleaner and also works as a tea lady, Amal cannot afford the money for transport and so the family unit has been broken. Amal states that there is no infrastructure in place to help IDPs return to their homelands. Those who go do so through their own prerogative. Both the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the CPA which stated that they would "Formulate a repatriation, resettlement, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development plan to address those areas affected by war", [1.5.4] but Amal remains unaware of any plan that can aid her in returning to her home.

A victory awarded to women through the CPA is the increase of female political participation. Through stating that: "The equal rights of men and women to the enjoyment of all civil and political rights set forth in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights…shall be ensured…", [CPA 1.6.2.16 (a)], the CPA is allowing women a window through which to voice their concerns. It is promising to note that the number of women politicians has increased within the Interim Government of Sudan. The number of female MPs has risen since the CPA to an all-time high of 25%. But will their participation in parliament make a difference to the voice of Sudanese women? As the situation currently stands, this remains to be seen.

* This article was compiled by Strategic Initiatives for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) Network. SIHA is a network of civil society organisations from North and South Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia and Somaliland. Founded in 1995 by a collection of women's groups with the view of strengthening their capacity, SIHA has grown over the years and is now comprised of 28 member organisations. More information

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