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      Pambazuka News 241: International Criminal Court: A Ray of Hope for the Women of Darfur?

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      Featured this week


      EDITORIAL: Femnet’s Christine Butegwa analyses what hope the ICC will bring for Darfur’s women
      - Can protocols and legislation really be an effective weapon against gender discrimination? Asks Janah Ncube about SADC gender policy
      - Thabo Mbeki gets a poor report from Mohau Pheko and Lebohang Pheko for his state of the nation address
      - John Christensen writes about how Africa’s resources are looted through capital flight and tax avoidance
      - Mona Prince, an Egyptian woman writer, flies to the US and experiences “homeland security” first hand
      - Zimbabwe: Voice of the People staff and directors arrested
      LETTERS: Readers discuss whether trade in the era of globalization can be just
      BLOGGING AFRICA: African blogs present their perspectives on the third term debate
      CONFLICTS AND EMERGENCIES: Cartoon crisis protests spread to Africa
      HUMAN RIGHTS: ICC to hear first Africa cases
      REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Forty days later: Remembering the victims of the Cairo refugee massacre
      ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: DRC hurtles towards April poll with 300 parties and 40 presidential candidates
      WOMEN AND GENDER: Women’s empowerment crucial for representation in leadership
      DEVELOPMENT: Corporate influence over WTO talks exposed in new report/ ‘Bamako Appeal’ promotes struggle against market-driven society
      CORRUPTION: Groups question World Bank's role in troubled DRC mine
      RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA: Malian killed in Russian street attack
      HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: Nigerian bird flu outbreak
      EDUCATION: Free primary education in Kenya having negative impact on early childhood development
      ENVIRONMENT: GM debate fought on cotton fields of South Africa
      MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Newspaper group sorry for offending Muslims
      NEWS FROM THE DIASPORA: Haiti votes by candlelight
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      The International Criminal Court: A Ray of Hope for the Women of Darfur?

      Christine Butegwa


      If you’re a woman in Darfur and you want to lay a charge of rape, the chances are that the charge will be changed to one of assault. Even if you want to persist in your charge of rape, you’ll need four male witnesses to support your charge. As a result, sexual and gender based violence is one of the biggest violations of women’s rights in Darfur, writes Christine Butegwa from Femnet. Hopes are high that the International Criminal Court will be able to change the situation.

      On 30 November 2004, 7 female internally-displaced people (IDPs), one of whom was pregnant, were attacked by an armed militia group allegedly in military uniform, near the Deraij camp, 4 km east of Nyala, Southern Darfur State. The 7 women and girls were fetching firewood outside the camp where they were reportedly attacked, beaten with guns on their chests and heads, and stripped. The armed militia later took 3 of them to an abandoned hut where they were raped. The other 4 women and girls managed to escape. All 7 women and girls were seriously injured and later received medical treatment at the Amel Centre for Rehabilitation of Torture victims. One of the survivors of the violence was transferred to the Nyala hospital where she miscarried.

      This is just one of the cases that the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) has received from Sudan. Since the unfolding of the conflict in Darfur in February 2003, intolerable crimes against humanity have been committed in a massive and systematic manner. Over two million people have been forced to flee their homes and over 70,000 people have been killed as a direct result of violence. Women and children have been the main target of these atrocities, specifically sexual and gender-based violence. Women and girls are vulnerable to rape whenever they venture out of the IDP camps in search of water or firewood. Despite the fact that in many cases, the survivors of gender-based violence can identify their attackers, justice has been denied. Now, the recent decision by the United Nations Security Council to refer the situation in Darfur to the International Criminal Court (ICC) may offer the only hope for many women and girls in Darfur to see justice done.

      Lack of access to justice – a denial of women’s rights in Darfur

      Sexual and gender based violence is one of the biggest violations of women’s rights in Darfur. Women’s rights continue to be violated due to gender-based discrimination in the national laws of Sudan. According to Jane Lindrio Alao, a psychologist with the Amel Centre for Treatment and Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture based in Darfur, rape is not recognized as a crime in the law. Most people accused of rape are only charged with having committed assault, which is a lesser charge that can lead to a one year jail sentence. Under the law, rape can only be said to have occurred and admitted in court if there are 4 witnesses. “All the witnesses should witness the actual penetration. This means that if there were only 2 witnesses, the accused would not be charged. How many women have the luxury of having witnesses to rape?” says Ms. Alao.

      The archaic and discriminatory laws have led to perpetrators of violence acting with impunity. According to Ms. Alao, the majority of the perpetrators are allegedly affiliated directly or indirectly with the government, such as the Popular Defence Forces and the Janjaweed militia. The Sudanese national courts are also affiliated to the government party and have therefore failed to provide justice to the people of Darfur. Women and other members of the community who dare to take rape cases to court are arrested and accused of waging war on the government.

      The situation is compounded by the fact that the majority of civil society organizations in Sudan are pro-government and therefore do not acknowledge rape and other human rights violations occurring in Darfur. “Amel centre is the only NGO providing legal aid for victims to seek redress and justice for crimes committed. Most of the other local NGOs deal with sanitation and humanitarian efforts,” says Ms. Alao.

      The Darfur Consortium: African civil Society advocacy on Darfur

      Previously, most high profile responses to the situation in Darfur had come from NGOs and governments outside Africa. The AU has now taken a more active role and brokered several ceasefire agreements and has troops on the ground in Darfur attempting to monitor these agreements. However, there was still a large gap in terms of African civil society finding an African solution to the Darfur crisis.

      To fill this gap, the Darfur Consortium was created in September 2004 in Pretoria, South Africa on the same occasion that the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights held its third extraordinary session dedicated to examining the situation in Darfur. The Darfur Consortium is a network of Africa-based and Africa-focused CSOs that hopes to reflect the unique perspective of African civil society and provide a forum for unified action, particularly through sustained engagement with the institutions of the AU. The Consortium brings together more than 200 African CSOs.

      At a meeting in Kampala in February 2005, the Darfur Consortium embarked on a campaign to support the International Commission of Inquiry’s recommendation that the situation in Darfur be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) for further investigation. The Commission argued that the Sudanese justice system had shown itself unwilling or unable to prosecute offenders. The Darfur Consortium engaged in an intense advocacy and lobbying campaign with members of the United Nations Security Council on the Commission’s recommendation. On March 31, 2005, the Security Council approved UN Security Council Resolution 1593/2005 granting the ICC jurisdiction to investigate ongoing atrocities in Darfur. Although some members of the Security Council such as Algeria, Nigeria and the United States, felt that an African tribunal would be the most appropriate mechanism, the Darfur Consortium argued that the ICC was both an African and an international mechanism. According to Dr. Yitiha Simbeye, a member of the Consortium and Dean at the Faculty of Law in Makumira University, Tanzania, the Consortium also supported the referral to the ICC because it is a permanent court and this would therefore save on time and resources required to set up a new one. “The ICC referral and present jurisdiction also signals to the Darfurians that the whole world is concerned with the situation in Darfur,” says Dr. Yitiha.

      The International Criminal Court: Justice for women in Darfur

      The ICC is the first permanent, independent court capable of investigating and bringing to justice individuals who commit the most serious violations of international humanitarian law, namely war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The Court has its seat in The Hague, in the Netherlands and was established in accordance with the Rome Statute on 1 July 2002. The ICC website indicates that by May 2005, 99 countries had ratified the Rome Statute, out of which 27 are African States.

      Sudan is not a State party to the ICC treaty. However, the ICC has jurisdiction over non-State parties in instances where that country accepted the ICC’s jurisdiction on an ad hoc basis or, as in the case of Sudan, the UN Security Council referred the situation to the Court.

      Unlike the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the principal judicial organ of the United Nations that deals primarily with disputes between States, the ICC has jurisdiction over matters involving individual criminal responsibility. The Rome Statute also identifies crimes of sexual violence such as rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution and forced pregnancy as crimes against humanity when they are committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population. The ICC has created a Victims and Witnesses Unit within the Registry to provide protective measures, security arrangements, counseling and other assistance for witnesses and victims. The ICC therefore offers an alternative avenue for justice for the women and girls who comprise almost 90% of the victims of the Darfur conflict.

      Although the ICC does have its limitations, including the fact that it requires national government cooperation, both the Darfurians and the Darfur Consortium have high hopes in it. For the Darfur Consortium, their advocacy strategy will now move from advocating for referral to the ICC to pushing for ICC cooperation by the Government of Sudan, monitoring the GoS to prevent it from attempting to circumvent the ICC process and giving CSO support to the ICC prosecutor in the investigation process.

      Although some CSOs and traditional leaders in countries such as Uganda have been against the Government of Uganda’s referral of the Northern Uganda conflict to the ICC citing it as a possible deterrent to peace efforts in the area, the Darfur Consortium feels that the ICC is important for the peace process in Sudan. “I believe the long-term disenfranchisement of victims can in itself negatively affect the peace process. Penal measures against perpetrators give victims confidence,” argues Dr. Yitiha.

      For the women’s movement in Darfur, what they are looking for is fair trials and compensation of the victims of sexual violence. “IDPs are keeping silent and protecting themselves, waiting for the day of the ICC,” says Ms. Alao.

      *Christine Butegwa is Communications Officer with the African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)

      * Please send comments to [email protected]

      Members of the Darfur Consortium include:

      African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies; African NGO Refugee Protection Network; African Society of International and Comparative Law; African Women’s Development and Communications Network (FEMNET); Alliances for Africa; Anti-slavery International; Arab Program for Human Rights Studies (APHRA); Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS); Centre for Research Education and Development of Freedom of Expression and Associated Rights; Darfur Relief and Documentation Centre; Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights (EOHR); Femmes Africa Solidarite; Human Rights Centre, University of Pretoria; Human Rights Institute of South Africa (HURISA); Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa; Inter-African Union for Human Rights (UIDH); Interights; International Commission of Jurists; International Refugee Rights Initiative; Justice Africa; Justice Initiative; Justice and Peace Commission; Lawyers for Human Rights; Legal Resources Consortium-Nigeria; Ligue Tunisienne pour la Defense des Droits de l’Homme; Makurima University College, Tumaini University; Minority Rights Group; Open Society Justice Initiative; Pan-African Movement; Recontre Africaine pour la Defense des Droits de l’Homme (RADDHO), Sudan Organisation Against Torture, Sudanese Refugee Association in South Africa; WARIPNET; World Organisation Against Torture.

      For more information on the Darfur Consortium, please contact:

      The Darfur Consortium,
      Box 7785, Kampala, Uganda:
      Tel: +1-646 546 7152 (New York);
      Email: [email protected];

      Dismas Nkunda,
      International Refugee Rights Initiative
      [email protected]

      For more information about the International Criminal Court, contact:

      The Coalition for the International Criminal Court
      708 3rd Avenue, 24th Floor, New York, NY 10017, USA
      ph: 1-212-687-2863
      fax: 1-212-599-1332

      Comment & analysis

      Fast tracking to equality: The SADC gender journey

      Janah Ncube


      Can protocols and legislation really be an effective weapon against gender discrimination? Janah Ncube examines the Southern African Development Community and contends that while law may not change a moral belief, it can stop a husband from beating his wife to pulp, penalize unfair employment practices, and punish rape. “Legislation has proved that with the state upholding it, social norms eventually conform to it if it is beneficial to all peoples.”

      It is no longer business as usual in the SADC region for development and gender stakeholders. After representatives from SADC Member States in government and civil society, regional NGOs, inter-governmental bodies and SADC Secretariat met in Botswana in December 2005, they concluded that if any integration in the SADC region is to be successful, sustainable and achievable, it has to be gender based regional integration.

      The Executive Secretary of the SADC Secretariat Dr. Tomaz Salamao urged SADC governments to facilitate the implementation of the SADC Gender programme to enable the gender equality and equity objective to be attained. The driving force behind this consultative conference was the head of the Gender Unit at the SADC Secretariat Mrs. Magdaline Mathiba-Madibela who had the foresight to lobby and push for an action plan. Thus the 5 year SADC Gender Based Regional Integration Strategic Implementation Framework (2006 – 2010) was developed by the 110 participants.

      The SADC Gender and Development conference was held in the backdrop of a region that is currently facing increasing poverty with over 70% of the region’s population living below US$2 per day and 40% below US$1 (SADC 2003), severe drought, extremely high HIV/AIDS prevalence (of the world population living with HIV, 60% come from the SADC region and of this number, 57% are women), serious food insecurity, high unemployment and cross border economic migrants.

      While the only country in the SADC region experiencing ‘active conflict’ is the DRC, Angola is still reeling from the immediate effects of conflict including the problem of landmines, which Zimbabwe and Mozambique among others are still dealing with. Poor infrastructural development at national level and within the region in terms of connecting SADC Member States to facilitate trade and other cross-border initiatives is another such limitation.

      All these limitations and challenges overbearing SADC precipitate as problems for women at practical day in day out experiences. This is because of the gendered nature of allocation of roles and responsibilities in our societies both at primary level (in the family) and at secondary level (in the public space). When the state cannot provide for its citizens, women become the subsidizers of the state by providing for unrecognized and unrewarded skills and services. The drastic expenditure budget cuts on social expenditure by governments in the late 1980s to 1990s due to structural adjustment programs give such evidence. African countries saw the negative impact of SAPs through the increased burden of care and basic food provision being shifted from the state to women (Maramba, Olagbegi & Webanenou 1995).

      Women in the region have been facing increased challenges, marginalization and appalling gender crimes - despite vigorous gender awareness campaigns, women’s empowerment policies, legislation and programs adopted at national level since Beijing and other much earlier processes. What also is unique about the SADC region with regards to dissipating typical gender stereotypes is that women’s emancipatory efforts in this region were evidenced by their active participation together with the men in our liberation struggles (Campbell 2003).

      However basic human rights, human dignity and human freedoms for them are still contested and have to be implored for diplomatically from our Heads of States. As seen in slavery, colonialism and apartheid, denial of rights of any persons is a mere facilitation of fictitious justifications for their exploitation. Until January 2006, adult women of Swaziland were being denied the dignity of being legal entities. Up to today, adult women in Botswana who decide to marry cannot open a water utilities account without the substantiation of their husbands. The way women are still portrayed in our media as trivial, sexual, insignificant entities of course perpetuates their secondary status in our societies.

      Gendered violence is rampant in the SADC region and the conspiracy of silence around it in our homes, in our communities and indeed within the law has seen it multiply and become even more reckless as it is stealthily inflicted with impunity. Some of this abuse includes sexual crimes against baby girls as young as 3 days old; rape of primary school girls by male teachers and headmasters; gang rapes in daylight and cold and bloody murders sold to the world as ‘passion killings’.

      While SADC is generally perceived as a region ‘enjoying’ peace, there is no peace in ordinary women’s everyday lives as husbands and lovers who claim to love them beat, kick and plunder their bodies. Of course this is called ‘domestic violence’ and has been found rather difficult to ‘treat’ in the justice system as it is a ‘household’ affair. Of course what is not being admitted here is that this is a security threat on the person of the victimised woman and is a denial of dignity when an external entity can bruise and break her body parts without legal recourse (see UDHR 1948).

      The gendered division of labour within the region has resulted in the trivialization and marginalization of women’s work and their economic activities, which is practiced through denial of ownership and impossible access to resources such as land and capital; the criminalization or non regulation of the informal sector and lastly the non-costing of women’s work despite their long manual work.

      This further buttresses not just the secondary status of women but is one of the key reasons developing countries have remained stuck in the poverty rut (UNIFEM 2005). SADC’s priority is to address the poverty that is in our region and unless we wake up to the reality that we have exhausted our capacity to further develop and grow the economies of our region based on exclusion and exploitation of women, we will stay in this rut for generations to come. The equality and equity agenda is not just about improving the situation of women, it is about improving the situation of our families which ripples into improving our communities, industries, countries and the region. It is about Africa utilizing all of its human skills in appropriating its resources to the best of its peoples. It is about attaining Africa’s potential by Africans for Africans.

      In 2003, SADC came up with the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) to guide SADC policies, programmes and actions. The RISDP re-enforces the strategy of regional integration which Oyejide (2000) argues is the most basic ingredient for attaining high and sustainable economic growth. The task of building a regional community in light of inequalities amongst the member states in terms of development and economic status and indeed those inequalities inherited from the colonial and imperial legacies based on race, gender, class and so forth, requires courageous and capable leadership, skills and resources.

      However in light of global trends and the influence of International Financial Institutions (IFI) in local economies of developing countries such as SADC Member States, including trade agreements that are continually being made on North-South differential agreements, integration also becomes about synergies, pooling resources together, widening export markets, and enhancing capacity of the region while negotiating and engaging on international platforms and indeed negotiating for progressions within the region itsself (see ADB Report 2000).

      The RISDP also recognizes that greater equality between women and men contributes to both development and economic growth. In light of this, gender mainstreaming has been adopted by SADC as a strategy for ensuring that all SADC policies, programmes and activities take into consideration the fact that women and men, boys and girls are affected differently by macro and micro initiatives and policies due to the gendered nature of our societies. Such disparities that leave women worse off than men must be addressed to achieve the goal of gender equality and equity.

      At SADC secretariat level, the Gender Unit (GU) has the task of ensuring that gender is mainstreamed in SADC policies and programmes while at national level Member States have set up National Gender Machineries (NGM) as institutions to do the same in all government structures and initiatives and also advance the empowerment of women. As Win (2005) points out, NGM have failed to achieve the conceptualized and intended gender justice which they promised. They instead became token entities to ‘shut women up’ as either departments in ministries or fully-fledged ministries with other issues lumped together with them such as community development, youth, children etc.

      As the ministers of Gender in Africa observed during the Beijing +10 process in October 2004, NGM lack capacity, authority and resources to implement the enormous task of engendering all of government. A capacity assessment of NGM commissioned by the GU also pointed out that NGM have no clear mandates, are peripheral entities in government and are poorly resourced (see GU Needs Assessment Study 2004). Despite this, NGM still remain the most effective institutions to mainstream gender in governments if they address these limitations and adopt the Gender Management System as a strategy. (The Gender Management System (GMS) is a network of structures, mechanisms and processes put in place within an existing organization to guide, plan, monitor and evaluate the process of mainstreaming gender.)

      Indeed many peripheral analyses of the gender inequality/discrimination problem blame women for perpetuating this phenomenon. What they fail to acknowledge is the power of the socialisation process which does not separate women from men in reinforcing the messages of superior males and subordinate females stereotypes in our societies (see Oakley 1985). However the greatest challenge with changing gender-based disempowerment is that it is about women who are engaged in personal/intimate relationships with men who evoke their discrimination.

      The racial discrimination fight was easier because the “other” was disengaged and not connected to the “us”. However this struggle is about going against the wisdom of a father, the perceptions of a husband, the practices mother taught. So sometimes it seems to be an internal fight between being loyal to what one has always known and believed and what one sees to be the path to attaining their potential, freedoms and security. The progressions that we have attained through legislation and policy changes indeed give hope to women that the equality goal can and will be attained. This is why the Gender and Development Conference called for the upgrading of the SADC Declaration on Gender and Development (1997) and its addendum on the Elimination of Violence Against Women and Children (1998) to a protocol. A protocol is a legally binding instrument which Member States will have to enforce. This protocol will incorporate all the targets of existing regional and international instruments and will at the same time incorporate existing issues which are highly impacting on the region such as HIV/AIDS and the trafficking of women for sex trade and other exploitations. Currently member states are in the process of consulting different stakeholders and mobilizing for support for the proposed protocol, targeted to be tabled before Heads of States at their next Summit in August 2006 in Lesotho.

      While it is true that discrimination, exclusion and exploitation of women are moral issues that have been justified through traditional and religious interpretations and despite numerous progressive laws, they have continued to prevail and this has lead to myths that propagate ideas that protocols and legislation cannot solve these problems. Truth is, the law cannot change one’s interpretation of the Bible or one’s moral belief. However legislation has codified gender discrimination and to borrow from Martin Luther King Junior’s rationale on legislation (1968); legislation can regulate behaviour and keep a husband from beating his wife to pulp, legislation can penalize and consequently restrain an employer from paying women less than men for the same type of work and legislation can show men that they can not rape and get away with light penalties. Legislation has proved that with the state upholding it, social norms eventually conform to it if it is beneficial to all peoples.

      The challenge for SADC is to move the SADC region from goodwill and commitments to implementation and tangible changes women can see in their daily lives. Member States can start by adopting, ratifying and domesticating the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. The rhetoric has to be replaced by budget allocations of at least 10% for women’s empowerment and gender related programs in each line ministry’s budgetary allocation. SADC needs to accelerate its pace on increasing women’s leadership in political and other decision-making processes. Current trends are too slow; we missed our target of 30% by 2005 and have not felt ashamed by it.

      National Governments must strengthen the capacity of NGM by increasing resources, clout, access, skilled senior personnel and defining clear mandates for them. Women’s NGOs and NGM must discard mistrust and adopt the spirit of the conference resolutions of seeking ways of collaborating and sharing information to achieve national targets. Civil society must continue to mobilize and educate the peoples of the region on action areas and issues identified and prioritised for the next 5 years. The energies generated at the conference must be fanned into even greater momentum as more stakeholders in the region run with the agenda. The SADC Executive Secretary recently pointed out that without peace, all of SADC’s efforts to integrate the region are futile. Truth is they are doomed to fail unless meaningful gender conscious and pro-women paradigms are what inform the region’s developmental and economic growth agenda.

      * Janah Ncube is Technical Advisor to the Gender
      SADC Secretariat in Gaborone Botswana

      * Please send comments to [email protected]


      ADB (2000) Afican Development Report 2000: Regional Integration in Africa

      Campbell, H. (2003) ‘Reclaiming Zimbabwe: The exhaustion of the Patriarchal Model of Liberation’ South Africa: David Philip Publishers

      Commonwealth Secretariat (1999) ‘Gender Management System Handbook’. Commonwealth Secretariat UK

      Maramba. P, Olagbegi. B, Webaneno R. T. (1995) ‘Structural Adjustment Programs and the Human Rights of African Women. WiLDAF. Zimbabwe

      Martin Luther King Jnr (1963) Speech given at the Western Michigan University on Conscience of America: Social Justice December 18, 1963

      Oakley, A. (1985). Sex, Gender and Society. Gower Publishing Company Ltd: Hants

      Oyejide, T. A. (2000) “Policies for Regional Integration in Africa”. Economic Research Papers Series Issue No. 62. African Development Bank, Cote d’Ivoire.

      SADC (2003) Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan. Southern African Development Community, Botswana.

      SADC Secretariat (2004) Needs Assessment Study for Capacity Building of National machineries for Gender Equality I SADC Member States and the SADC Gender Unit. SADC. Botswana (unpublished)

      UN (1948) Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

      UNECA (2004) 7th African Regional Conference on Women (Beijing + 10) Decade Review of the Implementation of the Dakar and Beijing Platforms for Actions. Outcomes and Way forward. October 12 – 14, 2004. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

      UNIFEM (2005) The Progress of the World’s Women 2005: Women, Work and Poverty. UNIFEM New York

      Win, E (2005) in “Reclaiming the Women’s Rights Agenda” OSISA Quarterly Journal Open Space Volume 1, Issue 1 April 2005

      Letter to Thabo Mbeki from African women

      Mohau Pheko and Liepollo Lebohang Pheko


      South African leader Thabo Mbeki, in his state of the nation address at the opening of parliament in Cape Town last Friday, focused on plans to support government’s accelerated and shared growth initiative (Asgi), aimed at boosting economic growth and job creation. But Mohau Pheko and Lebohang Pheko, from the Gender & Trade Network in Africa, take Mbeki to task for failing to adequately consider the country’s women in his latest plans to fast-track growth.

      Dear Mr. President Thabo Mbeki,

      You have missed a great opportunity in the State of the Nation Address to articulate the problems confronting the women of South Africa. Why is it after 50 years of contributing to resistance, opinions, wisdoms and economic growth in this country when you mention us in your speeches we are merely lumped together with the disabled who should also take exception to this patronising marginalisation.

      Since this is the 50th year that women celebrate their tremendous contribution to this country, it is worth using it to sum up what the last 12 years have been like in terms of economic policy. In adopting a market led macroeconomic strategy, we should tell you that the relationship between women, markets and the state has been increasingly complex. The market in the past 12 years has not acted in the interest of women nor has the state always acted in the interests of women. This has resulted in a rather disconnected policy framework which has failed to accurately evaluate the realities of women’s lives which are controlled through the interaction of economic, political, social and cultural forces based on class, gender and race. The policy framework has also failed to evaluate women’s role in social reproduction and how they maintain life within the family and communities they live in.

      It is deplorable that women in the South Africa’s policy framework are still treated as dependents and instruments for family survival or state objectives. South Africa has long neglected gender as a category in the economic analysis of poverty, growth, inequality and the concentration of wealth. The frameworks suggested for poverty eradication by 2014 do not empower the majority of women in their own right. They tend to view women from a skewed perspective of ‘neediness’ rather than recognizing women’s wisdom, intellect, and achievements.

      More importantly the assumptions in your Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (ASGISA) do not spell out how the women of this country stand to benefit from this plan. The latest labour survey still reports that women are the most unemployed in the country. The most recent United Nations Human Development Report for South Africa confirms that women are still the poorest in our country and this trend is downward. In ASGISA, who are you accelerating growth for? How will you ensure that women qualitatively and quantitatively share in this growth? What type of growth are you talking about? The pattern of growth is as important as the rate of growth. Some growth patterns even if they increase per capita income and consumption may in the long run be detrimental to women as we have experienced in the current neo liberal framework. Economic growth without a distribution mechanism is inimical to women. Economic growth that depends on cuts in public expenditure, productivity, on labour deregulation are a danger to women in this country. Growth patterns or resource allocation that do not meaningfully integrate women, or result in growth equity are all costly to the women of this nation.

      Many of your policy makers and public servants do not understand that women experience poverty differently from men due to gender inequalities resulting in different access to entitlements, economic leverage and social advancement. Women are subjected to the intergenerational transfer of poverty. Women have fewer economic resources, less access to labour markets. They shoulder greater responsibilities at the household level and many have restrictions on their mobility. These interlocking disadvantages result in women having less time to access your expanded works programme and less power to negotiate opportunities. How will ASGISA respond?

      Gender equity is the power relationship that enables men and women to have equal access to the scarce and valued resources of their society. Within asymmetrical, unequal power relations at the household level women are the least powerful. These asymmetries include employment, education, wages, personal autonomy, healthcare, leisure and decision-making. The over weaning posture and support given to the male private sector has not been extended to women in the same way. Business and Economic Commissions set up to advise the President are still dominated by males. Trading enterprises have put severe limitations on market opportunities for many impoverished women and has allocated to them the nooks and crevices. The issue is not just the quantity of market opportunities it is also the quality. Many women work in the informal market under conditions of insecurity, are subjected to police harassment and exploitation and have little bargaining power and freedom to organize. At the same time, the commercialization of common property and cutbacks and privatization of healthcare and education have deprived women in poverty of access to affordable resources to improve their conditions. To what extent does ASGISA address these issues and how will it act as a catalyst in changing these critical dimensions?

      The growth process suggested in ASGISA will in fact create new patterns of poverty deprivation for women because the issues that create inequality have been embedded and reproduced in ASGISA. In our country, women are responsible for social reproduction and daily household management. Since ASGISA is dependent on labour flexibility, inadvertently, women are the ones who will pay the cost by having to devise coping and survival strategies when household incomes fall and prices rise.

      When food prices increase, when user charges for water, healthcare, electricity, and education are introduced and increased, the access of women to these services is affected, especially in a situation of poverty. There has been the casualisation of women’s work to lower unit labour cost, not just in the informal sector but also in the formal sector in terms of outsourcing or subcontracting arrangements. What is happening is that economic growth will depend on increased efficiency becoming a transfer cost subsidized by women from the paid economy to the unpaid work of women at the household level. That second economy you keep talking about consists of millions of women who subsidise the first economy without any fruits of growth accruing to them. Women especially in the rural and peri-urban areas are concentrated in the agricultural sector and the informal sector where the rate of growth and the potential for growth is relatively low to non-existent. In the industrial sectors women are concentrated in the unskilled or semi-skilled categories and have limited access to opportunities and benefits of economic development and growth. Is ASGISA a sufficient tool for standing up to these challenges?

      The role of the State in distributing resources along gender, class and race lines to ensure access is critical if there is to be any meaningful developmental benefit for women. These social constructs and lived realties are essential mediating factors. The State is not a private company but a nation requiring government intervention to enable social cohesion, people participation and conscious distribution of the fruits of growth.

      * Mohau Pheko and Lebohang Pheko are with the Gender & Trade Network in Africa, which works on international trade providing macroeconomic, trade, and policy literacy on the Africa continent. It works in 18 countries and is linked to the International Gender & Trade Network based in Brazil. Contact 082 6702505/084 881 9327

      * Please send comments to [email protected]

      Tax Justice for Africa: A new development struggle

      John Christensen


      John Christensen comments on the issue of capital flight and tax avoidance, a massive drain on African’s resources. In the face of a reluctance by international organisations to address the issue, and the weakness of national efforts in the face of global capital, civil society will have a vital role to play in pushing for change.

      Last month two global meetings painted two very different portraits of Africa. In the luxury Swiss holiday resort of Davos, shielded by a ring of steel fences and security forces, finance ministers, corporate executives and assorted celebrities gathered at the World Economic Forum. They talked vaguely about the responsibility to bolster aid and reduce the debt of African nations. The Africa portrayed at Davos was an indebted, broken continent whose impoverishment can only be solved by the generosity of donors in the North.

      Four thousand kilometers away, civil society groups from Africa and beyond came together in the Malian capital of Bamako for the African leg of the World Social Forum, a vibrant grassroots alternative to the suits and platitudes of Davos. Five days of meetings addressed alternative solutions to poverty and disease across the global South. In these meetings a different Africa emerged: a region not simply in need of external resources, but with immense wealth potential of its own, being drained at an ever increasing rate with the collusion of the world's wealthiest countries and companies.

      This was the message of the Tax Justice Network (TJN), an international coalition of researchers and campaigners who spoke at packed meetings in Bamako on capital flight and tax avoidance. The remarkable interest in these ordinarily dry topics shows how tax is emerging as an overlooked but central issue in the fight against poverty. The figures speak for themselves: TJN's own research estimates that a staggering $11.5 trillion has been siphoned 'offshore' by wealthy individuals, held in tax havens where they are shielded from contributing to government revenues. The benefits from taxing this wealth would far outweigh any realistic amount of foreign aid from those countries. If the income from this offshore wealth was taxed at the moderate rate of 30%, the resulting revenue - around $255 billion annually - could finance the United Nations Millennium Project in its entirety. Put simply, making the rich pay their due taxes could immediately fund measures to halve world poverty.

      In common with the rest of the developing world, Africa suffers particularly acutely from this wealth drain. Around 30% of sub-Saharan Africa's GDP is moved offshore. As several studies have suggested, this rate of capital flight means that Africa - a continent we are continually told is irrevocably indebted - may actually be a net creditor to the rest of the world. Whilst Africa's wealth flows to Monaco, Switzerland, Jersey and London, those who lose out are the populations of African nations whose dwindling tax revenues cannot support government spending on health, AIDS programmes, education, infrastructure and communication. Meanwhile the banking secrecy maintained by the world's bankers and accountants in tax havens helps business and political elites to plunder resources across the continent, providing a secure cover for them to launder the proceeds of political corruption, fraud, embezzlement and illicit arms trading.

      Astonishingly, international organisations including the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary Fund have not pursued international action to stem the hemorrhaging of Africa's wealth. Instead, they have encouraged developing African nations to drop business and trade taxes further, in a desperate bid to encourage investment from multinational corporations accustomed to channeling their wealth through tax havens. The result is that ordinary people shoulder more of the tax burden through sales taxes, while homegrown national businesses cannot compete with giant international corporations which can avoid tax through the international movement of capital and assets.

      National initiatives are beginning to work against this African plunder. Nigeria's heroic Economic and Financial Crimes Commission is working to recover some of the wealth lost to tax havens through corruption and the tax evasion of multinational oil companies. And last November, South Africa's Finance Minister Trevor Manuel, called for wider measures against multinationals' aggressive tax avoidance.

      But national initiatives alone are weak in the face of mobile, global capital. International cooperation on tax is urgently necessary - and if international institutions like the UN and the OECD will not take action, global civil society must force them to do so. Bamako saw a bold proposal: to form a continent-wide Tax Justice Network for Africa, to be launched at the 2007 World Social Forum in Nairobi, Kenya. This will be a major step in a new global development struggle, at whose forefront should be African activists and campaigners.

      Davos and Bamako are worlds apart. Uniting them, though, is not just philanthropic promises over debt and aid, but a global theft which sees vast African wealth secreted away in bank accounts and offshore trusts in Switzerland and beyond. Stopping that theft, and taxing it for the benefit of African populations, will go a long way towards ending the poverty of Mali and its neighbours.

      * John Christensen, is the director of the Tax Justice Network's International Secretariat. He is a development economist and former economic adviser to the UK and Jersey governments.

      * Please send comments to [email protected]

      Witness to an erosion of soul: An Egyptian woman travels to the US

      Mona Prince


      Mona Prince, an Egyptian woman writer, traveled to America full of hope and excitement. But what she found forced her to stand up for her rights and “resist the silences”. Before returning home she had a chance to hear the voices “against the war, against the erosion of what is great in the American system, against homeland security as a pretext for silencing ‘other’ voices.

      In a climate where the United States is seen as an aggressor enforcing her way and will on the rest of the world, I found myself excited last summer to be heading to America after being chosen as part of the International Writing Program (IWP) in Iowa City. My excitement stemmed from the fact that I refused to believe that the US, with one of the best constitutions in the world, where individual rights are cherished and defended, has lost its soul. Rather I wanted to believe that its current policy is an aberration that came to pass as a result of fears arisen after 9/11, and not a true reflection of what America is all about.

      I could not think of a better bridge to mend the widening gap between the image and true face of the Arab "other". As an Egyptian woman writer and academic, I wanted so much to show the true face of the other, transcending the stereotype that has been propagating in the US lately, wanted in my own small way to unveil that thick veil of misunderstanding and misinterpretation.

      I was officially invited by the US Embassy in Cairo and funded by the US State Department to participate in the IWP, an invitation I wholeheartedly accepted. I was delighted to be part of a programme that fosters mutual understanding, cross-cultural communication, and tolerance; to share and exchange ideas with, and learn from, the other international writers as well as our American counterparts in an academic institution setting at the University of Iowa where the programme resides.

      I arrived in Iowa City and my first two weeks in the program was all I would have hoped for. I felt energised, thinking of many things I want to do -material for my writings that would benefit from my stay in the US within the IWP. One of my major interests and ideas for a writing project was to visit an Indian reservation, get in contact with Native American traditional storytellers and learn about their spiritual practices. What unravelled after those two weeks was so much telling of the extent of the erosion of the American way as a result of the current administration's policy and how deep it has affected even the best of sanctuaries and defendants of individual rights, transforming academics and poets into big brothers driven by homeland security to charter the handling of their programmes.

      I informed the programme director of my interest in visiting an Indian reservation and explained to him the reason behind my interest. His initial response was positive. So I took it upon myself to search for potential places I could visit and found one in a neighbouring state. I informed the director where I would be heading - a short visit to Minneapolis to visit an Indian reserve.

      The e-mail response that I have received from the director was a total shocker in both language and content. I was threatened with homeland security law, informing me that I could not leave Iowa City and if I did I would be expelled from the programme and the United States. I was made to feel like a prisoner at best, a criminal at worst. At no point before or during my visit was I made aware of any rule in the IWP program restricting the movements of international visitors. Additionally, an immigration officer confirmed that there were no such rules. This incident and what followed thereafter made me think whether this response from the director was an isolated and petty exercise of power or was symptomatic of a bigger picture where homeland security and what it entails is starting to seep into the American system, reaching the gate of institutions that are traditionally viewed as strong voices for the preservation of the individual rights, voices against stereotyping and labelling of the "other". Are the fences of Guantanamo Bay slowly closing on academia, indeed on all of us? I abided by the director's decision and did not go to Minneapolis. Elation and excitement were quickly replaced by feelings of failure and depression. Guantanamo seemed just around the next corner.

      After a few e-mail exchanges with the programme director, and a fruitless effort to get advice or help from the US embassy, I decided to break my silence and to speak out against the intimidation and abuse. I wrote several statements against the unprofessional and undiplomatic handling of my situation, while demanding at the same time an official apology, as well as to be provided with the governing laws by which writers should abide while in the programme.

      I sent all the official correspondences between the programme director and myself to all parties concerned, as this matter impacted upon all the members of the IWP programme. Not only was I severely criticised for speaking up against this injustice, I was repeatedly intimidated, offended, and threatened by the grave consequences that would be directed at me if I do not put an end to my vocalism, which I took to mean, "Shut up and take the abuse."

      The programme director, eventually, decided to terminate my participation in the programme because of the public statements I made, as clearly stated in his official letter. I was removed from all my scheduled public cultural activities and my funding was cut, leaving me with two days to evacuate Iowa City. The termination letter cited a US State Department decision that I have yet to receive.

      After my deportation from Iowa City, I joined a group of African Americans who were evacuated from New Orleans after the Katrina hurricane. I felt for them and in some way felt part of them. What those evacuees told me in an interview is a counter- narrative that expressed their concerns about how America was, to their minds, disintegrating from within, which has resonated very well with my own experience in Iowa. A different form of "homeland security" had been imposed on them, and their human and constitutional rights had been violated.

      During the current administration they had more than ever been marginalised, made to feel like they belong to a second-class America. They looked at the breach of the levy that flooded the city, their homes, as a symbol of the neglect of the current administration that is preoccupied with the "unjust" war in Iraq. They were forced at gunpoint - fully loaded M16s - to leave their houses while affluent white Americans were extended all necessary assistance and did not have to leave their homes. They told of being searched several times for weapons, as if they were terrorists in their own country. They were shipped in a plane, guarded by armed soldiers, without knowing their destination, to finally land as refugees in Omaha, Nebraska.

      Before I flew back to Egypt, I was able to finally arrange a meeting with Native Americans. I met one of the five elders of the Dakota nation who still speaks the Dakota language and performs the spiritual ceremonies of his tribe. Contrary to what I have heard from the IWP administration, I was unreservedly welcomed by the spiritual elder and his family. I was offered a sweat lodge ceremony that is meant to purify the soul, mind and body, which was attended by other non-Native Americans. We were a mixed group of all colours and ethnic backgrounds.

      The ceremony began with an ancient Indian saying "we are all relatives." Following the instructions of the spiritual elder, we all prayed in our different languages for the good health and happiness of all people. The ceremony ended again with the same wise man iterating that "we are all relatives." After the ceremony was finished, all of us had a collective dinner at the house of the spiritual interpreter. Before I left the reserve, I asked if I could have an Indian name. They agreed, and a special ceremony was held for me the following day. The name that was given to me from the spiritual world was "Good Eagle Woman."

      I flew back home empowered by the immense knowledge and experience I gained in the US. In spite of having the misfortune of leaving the programme earlier than planned, and being subjected to such unjust and unfortunate treatment from the IWP director, I remain enriched by the whole journey, by finding it in myself to stand up for my rights, to refuse to be intimidated into silence. When I was about to leave the US, I witnessed the emergence of voices that started to speak out against the war, against the erosion of what is great in the American system, against homeland security as a pretext for silencing "other" voices. I will always remember the people that came to my defence; the refugees in Nebraska that hosted me when I was deported from Iowa City, and my spiritual enriching encounter. As my journey came to a close, I came out of it flying like an eagle having broken free, resisted being bullied into submission, even under the pretext of "homeland security". I can't think of my journey to the US without thinking about the "Good Eagle Woman" as a symbol for resisting silence.

      * This article was first published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM. It is reproduced here with permission of the author. Please send comments to [email protected]

      Zimbabwe: Media faces renewed crackdown

      Pambazuka News Editors


      As quoted in January, Zimbabwe's security minister Didymus Mutasa warned that "the net will soon close" on critical journalists who threatened nation’s security. The statement came together with a new offensive against the remaining independent journalists in the country and just after the arrest of employees and directors of Voice of the People (VOP), a radio station that transmitted into Zimbabwe via a shortwave transmitter in Madagascar. The significance of the crackdown lies in the fact that VOP is one of the few alternatives to the state-controlled Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation.

      This Friday in Harare, six trustees of Voice of the People (VOP), a privately-owned radio station, are due to appear in court on criminal charges, according to a Human Rights Watch press release ( On January 24, the authorities brought charges of broadcasting without a license against six of the station’s trustees. VOP was one of the few alternatives to the state-controlled Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, the only broadcaster with a license to operate legally in the country.

      “The Zimbabwean government is using criminal charges to muzzle independent reporting and criticism,” said Paul Simo, Africa advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “This crackdown targets media that criticize government institutions, officials and the ruling party.”

      The VOP trustees could face up to two years in jail. The charges came after police raided the Harare home of one of the board members, Arthur Tsunga, and kidnapped two of his household staff. The two were detained without charge for four days in an effort to coerce the executive director of VOP, John Masuku to turn himself into the police. Masuku was charged with broadcasting without a license on December 23.

      The board members? David Masunda, Isabella Matambanadzo, Millicent Phiri, Lawrence Chibwe, Nhlahla Ngwenya and Tsunga?are will be represented by Beatrice Mtetwa, a renowned Zimbabwean human rights lawyer.

      VOP was not the only target, however. Independent journalist Sydney Saize was arrested for filing a Voice of America report saying that the ruling ZANU-PF party had beaten teachers in the city. Meanwhile, the Media and Information Commission (MIC) threatened in early January to cancel the license of the Financial Gazette, a privately-owned newspaper, and refused to renew the accreditation of fifteen journalists working for the Zimbabwe Independent, another privately-owned newspaper.

      Three laws have tightened the screws on Zimbabwe’s media over the last five years. The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act of 2002 forces media ventures to register with a Media and Information Commission or face prison. It also makes it an offence for journalists to work without accreditation.

      The Broadcasting Services Act of 2001 ensures that the government has control of the airwaves by giving the Minister of State for Information and Publicity the power to decide who can broadcast. Lastly, the Public Order and Security Act of 2002 has a number of aspects which potentially limit the right to freedom of expression and covers the publishing of false statements against the state, the organizing of public gatherings and grants extensive powers to the police.

      Advocacy & campaigns

      Global: Amnesty International campaign - Make Some Noise


      In Amnesty International's biggest campaign ever, high-profile international artists sing covers of classic Lennon tracks to raise funds for the organisation. This is Make Some Noise - a mix of music, celebration and action in support of human rights. Tracks can be bought and downloaded from the site, where supporters can also sign-up for updates to keep in touch throughout the 12-month timeline.

      Global: Global Campaign for Education


      In 2006, GCE will continue to build on the amazing campaigning success of previous years, maintaining and increasing pressure on rich and poor countries alike to take urgent action towards achieving Education for All. The theme for the week, April 24-30, is: Every child needs a teacher. Right now, over 100 million children wake up every day without the hope that education offers.

      Global: Mama Cash and Campaign 88 Days


      Campaign 88 Days is an effort to raise awareness, take action and mobilise resources for women's rights worldwide. In the 88 days between December 10, 2005, International Human Rights Day and March 8 2006, International Women’s Day, you can help keep women safe from domestic and sexual violence, guarantee them equal treatment in the work force, push governments to do what’s right for women, and support groundbreaking initiatives. Together with your support we can change the world in 88 days. Because women’s rights are human rights…

      Books & arts

      Cameroonian artists in the limelight


      An exhibition of works of some 13 Cameroonian artists is underway in Cairo. On the sidelines of the 25th African Cup of Nations, an exhibition of Cameroonian contemporary plastic arts is underway in Cairo. Some 27 works by 13 artists are in display in the exhibition at Saad Zaghloul hall, Cairo. It is organized by the Cameroon cultural delegation in Egypt. Last Sunday (February 5) evening, the head of the delegation, Minister Philippe Mbarga Mboa, launched the exhibition in the presence of authorities of the Egyptian Ministry of Culture and a host of Egyptians. It was an occasion to inform the Egyptian press on the raison-d'etre of the exhibition - expose the rich cultural potential of Cameroon.

      Realizing Hope, by Michael Albert


      Realizing Hope is about envisioning and winning a better world. Noam Chomsky from the U.S. says about Realizing Hope: “In many earlier studies, Michael Albert has carried out careful in-depth inquiries into systems of participatory economics (parecon), analyzing in detail how they can function justly, equitably, and efficiently, and how they can overcome many of the criminal features of current social and economic arrangements. This new and very ambitious study casts the net far more widely, extending to just about every major domain of human concern and mode of human interaction, and investigating with care and insight how, in these domains, parecon-like principles could lead to a far more desirable society than anything that exists, and also how these goals can be constructively approached. It is another very valuable and provocative contribution to the quest for a world of much greater freedom and justice."

      Tropical Fish: Stories out of Entebbe

      Doreen Baingana


      This lush and intimate book explores the coming-of-age of three sisters in post Idi Amin Uganda. Each chapter in this collection of linked short stories develops the theme of exploration and discovery as the sisters mature and their interior and exterior lives expand. We meet Christine, the youngest sister, as a girl learning of the bittersweet dynamics of her parents' marriage through exploring her mother's jewellery drawer. She later learns her own lessons about relationships, including her relationship with herself, which becomes more complex when she moves to the United States. Christine's quiet, uptight sister Patti suffers humiliation at boarding school and finds her peace in religion, while her oldest sister, Rosa, is an adventurous and sexually precocious teenager with a feisty personality. In the final story, Christine returns home to Uganda, in a journey that has come full circle, but not with all the ends tied up. This is a subtle, powerful book about growing up as an African woman and it heralds the arrival of a remarkably gifted writer.

      Letters & Opinions

      Can trade in an era of globalisation be just?

      Doreen Lwanga


      I read with keen interest Charles Aburge's article on debt, aid and trade which appeared in Pambazuka News 240.

      I enjoyed his strategic counselling and "scolding" of civil society in Africa for mindful engagement with African regional bodies in areas of debt and trade with Africa. I especially enjoyed reading his recognition that sometimes we in civil society unconsciously contribute to the erosion of sovereignty and the loss of self-worth in Africa. We are sometimes quick to demand or endorse "governance conditionality" where aid and debt relief is made conditional to progress in these areas.

      This reminded me of the on-going row between the Government of Chad and The World Bank regarding the "Chad-Cameroon Oil Pipeline", where Chadian civil society activists are encouraging The World Bank to withold financial support from Chad.

      Surely, who suffers? Should the role of civil society be to support global institutions at the expense of national programs? I am mindful of the governing record of the government of President Derby. However, to seemingly support a project which from its inception was de-cried for its erosion of the supremacy of Chadian Constitution in the interests of corporate law is worrisome.

      The key element of contestation by the Chadian government is the off-shore account where oil revenues are kept for future generations. Wouldn't it be in the interests of Chadian civil society that in fact these funds are made available to the current generations from whom oil is extracted? Wouldn't a better role of Chadian civil society then be to monitor proper government use of these funds for education, health, environmental management and security of the nation? Surely, sometimes civil society in Africa must work for national and/or even regional prosperity, not against it.

      Can trade in an era of globalisation be just? (2)

      Barbara Murray


      Please can you publish some exposure and analysis of the current lethal exploitation of African countries' resources by China. Statistics, if any? If accessible?

      The articles in the first of the special issues on trade justice are excellent, but as we necessarily focus on Europe, USA and multi national corporations, China is undercutting, with alarming speed, what were advances in African manufacturing.

      Talking to friends from many African countries, it seems that each country on the continent is undergoing massive invasion by China, but we all tend to think it is only in our own country and therefore miss the larger, frightening picture.

      It is very important to stop this takeover by China, particularly as their trade system at home (and international advantage) is based on such exploitative labour conditions and they, no doubt, care far less about labour conditions in Africa.

      Thank you for all your work!

      EDITORS reply: We have schedule to publish material on China and Africa shortly. Watch this space!

      Can trade in an era of globalisation be just? (3)

      Beatrice Parwatikar


      Here in the US white people can talk about all the atrocities that happened in the past and atrocities that happen in the present, but you cannot get them to admit to slavery in the US as an inhuman act against African slaves.

      When you bring up the effects of slavery on African descendants and how it robs the US of the total participation of all its' people, sometimes things are said like "when are you people going to forget slavery".

      Whites are unable to understand that the wealth of the US was built on the genocide of its native people for free land and the enslavement of African people.

      The other great damage of slavery is to internalize the self hatred of many African descendant people against themselves and other African descendant people.

      Contributing to Pambazuka News

      Cleo Fychan


      We are interested in contributing to your website, particularly on matters relating to Women and Gender or Advocacy and Campaigns. Please send us details on where to send information or articles.

      Pambazuka News Replies: We welcome contributions from organisations and individuals. Please send your contributions to [email protected]

      Blogging Africa

      The third term debate in the blogosphere

      Sokari Ekine


      Yebo Gogo - Yebo Gogo ( comments on Thabo Mbeki’s decision not to run for a third term.

      “I think history will view Thabo Mbeki kindly. South Africa's president had had to fill seemingly unfillable shoes when he took over from Nelson Mandela, but he's turning out to be as good - and in many cases, better - as Mandela”

      Unfortunately Mbeki stands alone amongst African leaders on this issue. Chippla - Chppla ( writes that unlike Mbeki, President Obasanjo has been conspicuous by his refusal to deny claims that he intends to run for a third term despite overwhelming public opposition.

      “The option of a third term for the president has been dropped down as one of the key issues to be discussed over an amendment to the Nigerian constitution. This move was taken by the Parliamentary committee charged with overseeing the review of the constitution. Without a doubt, strong public opposition must have had a hand in this. Mr. Obasanjo, who is undoubtedly out of touch with the reality on the ground in Nigeria, must have been very surprised by the legions of people who strongly opposed an amendment to the Nigerian constitution to allow him to stay in office a day longer than that allowed for by the constitution.”

      He concludes that Mbeki could do Nigerians a favour by teaching him how to answer questions.

      Zimbabwean Pundit - Zimpundit ( also has an Mbeki story. This time it concerns the bi-lateral relations between South Africa and Zimbabwe. In an interview Mbeki admitted “that he failed to normalise relations between Zimbabwe’s feuding political parties”. Zimpundit also questions the timing of the admission.

      “The timing of Mbeki's admission of failure comes at a rather curious juncture given that rumors are rife that South Africa's government has ordered an immediate embargo on fuel and electricity exports to Zimbabwe.”

      Africa Unchained - Africa Unchained ( comments on an article by Wilf Mbanga “The African Union: Whats in a name?”

      “Africans are angered by the continued unwillingness of African rulers to deal with human rights issues. The fact that they held the latest summit in Sudan in the first place shows their disdain for human rights," said Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of Zimbabwe's National Constitutional Assembly. "The fact that they are passing the African Union chairmanship to a coup leader in Congo makes them laughable. Where do Africans turn now?”

      The Moor Next Door - Moor Next Door ( comments on the riots and destruction taking place in Lebanon over the Prophet Mohammed cartoons that has developed into anti-Christian violence.

      “What is very troubling is that the protestors did not even stop at destroying the Danish embassy, they stoned the St. Maron Maronite church and destroyed property in a Christian neighborhood. It seems just to be mindless violence, overtaking any reasonable thought or condition. The violence against the Christian church and neighborhood likely stems from the longstanding inter-communal tension in Lebanon, and the "cartoon crisis" has probably not done much to alleviate these.”

      Sub-ZeroBlue - Sub-Zero Blue ( also comments on the violence which he writes is continuing despite calls by Imams and religious leaders to stop.

      “I too would like to strongly condemn these attacks and say that they are totally unacceptable. Violence is never a solution to anything. It just complicates things more and adds fuel to the fire.
      This is not the way Islam, our religion of peace, tells us to respond! These violent reactions harm our religion more than the cartoons or any disrespect the west could show! This has to stop!”

      Black Looks - Black Looks ( reports on the campaign by Cameroon tabloids to out prominent people who they claim are homosexual. Already some 50 people have been named in the witchhunt.

      “The campaign, by what can only be described as ‘gutter press’, amounts to a witch hunt, a violation of human rights and an invasion of privacy. The suffering of LGBT people is occurring all over Africa. Everyone who is a defender of human rights needs to join together with the LGBT community in a show of progressive African solidarity.”

      * Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks,

      * Please send comments to [email protected]

      African Union Monitor

      Africa: The AU - what’s in a name?


      "Africans are angered by the continued unwillingness of African rulers to deal with human rights issues. The fact that they held the latest summit in Sudan in the first place shows their disdain for human rights", said Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of Zimbabwe's National Constitutional Assembly. "The fact that they are passing the African Union chairmanship to a coup leader in Congo makes them laughable. Where do Africans turn now?" The pessimism of dashed hopes has an especially bitter taste. In July 2002 the reinvention of the African Union (AU) amid the ashes of the discredited forty-year-old Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was hailed internationally as a triumph. It was seen as a vital leap forward into the 21st century for the "dark continent" – with its tragic millions of poverty-stricken, starving, diseased peoples, and its elite coterie of portly, bemedalled, ageing dictators.

      Comoros: AU pre-election mission reports back


      As the Comoros prepare for upcoming elections that will test their new power-sharing arrangement, South Africa is gearing up to do its part in ensuring the April elections are free and fair. Following a one-week fact-finding mission to assess the archipelago's readiness and requirements for the elections, a South African technical delegation presented their findings to the African Union's (AU) Peace and Security Committee.

      Zimbabwe: NGOs disappointed at AU's lack of response


      Zimbabwean NGOs said they were ‘disappointed’ that the African Union (AU) had failed to acknowledge a resolution passed by its rights body, criticising the Harare regime. The AU summit in Khartoum, Sudan, which concluded this week, declined to take up the resolution tabled by its African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR), saying the Zimbabwe government had not had time to react. ‘We understand that the government has to be given time to respond, but at least the summit should have noted the report,’ said Tor-Hugne Olsen, international office coordinator of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum, a coalition of 17 Zimbabwean NGOs.

      Women & gender

      Global: Reform of social institutions needed for enhancing gender equality


      This policy brief explores the reform needed of social institutions and cultural practices to enhance qender equality. The paper argues that gender equality is good for growth, economic development and poverty reduction, and identifies the following reasons for the persistence of gender discriminating cultural practises and social norms: the “legitimacy” of reform is often contested.

      Global: Rethinking masculinity and the demand side of trafficking


      This practical guide outlines the challenges faced in changing male perceptions of paid sex with women. The document provides details of a three day course run by the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women which aimed to provide young men with a critical understanding of violence against women, particularly prostitution, and move towards a change of attitude and treatment of women. The guide also focuses on the production of teaching materials and options available for resourcing the education aspect of a programme.

      Global: The world's women 2005 - progress in statistics


      This report presents national sex disaggregated statistics in such areas as demographics, health, education, work, violence against women, poverty, human rights and decision-making. The report reviews and analyses the current availability of data and assesses progress made in the provision of national statistics, as opposed to internationally prepared estimates, relevant to gender concerns during the past 30 years. It proposes a set of strategies to strengthen national capacity to collect and report statistics and also for improved mainstreaming of gender concerns.

      Global: Women in an insecure world


      This book brings together a comprehensive list of the facts and figures regarding violence against women in daily life, during war and conflict and in post-conflict situations. The authors map the pervasiveness of violence against women, analyse strategies to prevent and punish that violence and highlight the key role that women play in initiatives to counter violence. The document argues that violence against women must be recognised as a key issue in its own right, as one of the significant causes of death on our planet - comparable in importance only to war, hunger and disease.

      Kenya: Women's empowerment critical for representation in leadership


      With the general elections in sight at the end of 2007, the feeling of de ja vu is difficult to shake off, considering that the country has been in political campaigns mode for nearly two years. “Women are not well represented at all levels of leadership positions and their representation especially at the local authorities' level is wanting,” explains Deborah Okumu, a Senior Programmes Officer at the Kenya Women's Political Caucus (KWPC). She notes that the absence of formal mechanisms of both accountability and participation within the political systems restricts access for women.

      Malawi: Abuse of women and girls a national shame


      A recent study and several well-publicised cases of gender violence have raised concern in Malawi, with the president and aid agencies calling for urgent action to address the problem.A survey commissioned by the NGO, ActionAid, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and humanitarian partners, covering over a thousand school-age girls, found that more than half had experienced some form of sexual abuse in schools in Malawi. Urgent measures to curb violence against girls both at home and in schools were recommended.

      South Africa: Women in dialogue


      South African Women in Dialogue is taking the initiative of "bringing the ideas of African presidents" to the people as part of the African Union's Peer Review Mechanism, a self assessment process now underway in South Africa. The president of the Pan African Parliament, Gertrude Mongella, has asked First Lady, Zanele Mbeki, if she would assist in launching a formation similar to SAWID in other African countries.

      Human rights

      Africa: ICC poised to hear first cases


      Following a referral by the UN Security Council in June 2005, the ICC Prosecutor launched an investigation into crimes committed in Darfur, Sudan. His report to the Security Council showed significant evidence of grave crimes. In October 2005, the ICC issued its first arrest warrants for five leaders of the Lord’s Resistance Army – Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odhiambo, and Dominic Ongwen – charging them with war crimes and crimes against humanity in northern Uganda, including rape and sexual enslavement. In November 2005, the Prosecutor announced that despite major challenges of logistics and security in the ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), investigations have advanced and arrest warrants are expected in the near future. However, further progress is now threatened by the failure of the governments of Sudan, Uganda and DRC, and of the African Union, to ensure full cooperation with the ICC, says Amnesty International.

      Cameroon: Row over 'gay' witchhunt


      Cameroon's political and business elites have been rocked by a campaign by tabloid newspapers to "out" top personalities they say are homosexual. The newspaper editors say they are exposing people who engage in "deviant behaviour". Some 50 people have been named and the papers have sold out. Homosexual acts are banned in Cameroon, with up to five years in jail. But the campaign has been condemned by the state communication council for invading people's private lives. The council also challenged anyone who felt they had been libelled to take legal action. So far, none of those named has gone to the courts.

      Ethiopia: Meles rejects abuse accusations


      Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on Wednesday (February 1) said rights groups' allegations of widespread abuse of political opponents had no basis in fact and were the result of "sloppy" reporting. London-based Amnesty International said earlier in the day that Ethiopia had arrested thousands of students from the Oromo ethnic group in a crackdown following anti-government demonstrations since November over a disputed election. The whereabouts of many of the detainees were not known, the group said. "Some detainees have been released, but others are being held in locations where torture has frequently been reported," Amnesty added in an urgent appeal. But Meles, in an interview with Reuters, scoffed at the Amnesty report as based on second-hand, biased information.

      Global: Local government and human rights


      In 2002 the International Council on Human Rights Policy published a short report, 'Local Rule: Decentralisation and Human Rights', which mapped some of the potential human rights implications of decentralisation reforms. On one hand, reforms can enhance political participation, increase local autonomy, empower disadvantaged groups and lead to more accountable government. On the other, it can entrench the powers of local elites; weaken national institutions; exacerbate social division and provoke violence; deepen inequality; and cause regression of social and economic rights because of corruption, shortfalls in resources or discrimination and loss of economies of scale.

      Global: Signs of hope, but more work to do


      UNICEF today (February 6) applauded the women and men who are working together to end the practice of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) and to respect the right of girls to grow to womanhood without harm to their bodies. Throughout sub-Saharan Africa and in Egypt and Sudan a social movement is unfolding to end FGM/C, one of the most persistent, pervasive and silently endured human rights violations. Over the last six years, thousands of villages in West Africa have joined together in public pledging ceremonies to abandon FGM/C, bringing greater hopes of ending the practice globally within a single generation. “We stand at a pivotal moment in history as we work toward a truly positive collective change,” UNICEF Executive Director Ann M. Veneman said Monday, the fourth annual International Day of Zero Tolerance of Female Genital Mutilation.

      Global: UN calls for standards in new 45-nation rights body


      Proposals for a long-awaited U.N. Human Rights Council call for 45 members and beefed up standards for any nation wanting a seat on the new body, according to a draft resolution circulated on Thursday (February 2). World leaders agreed at a U.N. summit in September to create a new body to replace the 53-member Geneva-based Human Rights Commission, known for giving seats to countries such as Sudan and Zimbabwe and blocking criticism of rights abusers. The aim of the 191-member General Assembly is to approve the document by February 15 so that the new council, which will also sit in Geneva, is ready to take over from the commission that is to have its final session, beginning in mid-March, according to Reuters.

      Global: United Nations Treaty on rights of disabled nears finish line


      UN delegates drafting a treaty to protect the rights of the world's 600 million disabled have resolved many of their differences and are on track to complete the document in August, the diplomat leading the negotiations has said. ''It should be possible to conclude drafting at our next meeting in August,'' New Zealand Ambassador Don MacKay told a news conference after a three-week drafting session. ''We have made real progress and there are relatively few unresolved issues,'' he said. ''But it is more than just dotting the i's and crossing the t's.'' A UN committee that includes all 191 UN member-nations has been working since 2001 on a treaty to promote and protect the rights of the disabled.

      Rwanda: Rwanda wins Congo Case in World Court


      The International Court of Justice has ruled that it does not have jurisdiction to try Rwanda over human rights abuses, alleged plunder and illegal invasion of the DR Congo. Congo brought the charges against Rwanda in 2002. It accused Rwanda of armed aggression, mass slaughter, rape, arbitrary detentions, systematic looting and assassinations. The Hague-based ICJ, also known as the World Court, said as Rwanda had not accepted UN conventions against such crimes as torture and degrading behaviour, on which Congo based its case, it could not make a ruling.

      South Africa: Eskom and the men with guns


      Just days after Johannesburg mayor and ANC candidate - Amos Masondo - arrived in Pimville, Soweto, to ask residents for their votes, ESKOM, the state's corporatised electricity provider, returned to show the community exactly what they would be voting for. This time it was Trevor Ngwane's turn. Trevor, a well know campaigner against ANC neoliberal policies, lives in Pimville where, thanks to an illegal connection, he has enjoyed decommodified electricity for the last five years. In Trevor's words "when they cut us off we just reconnect ourselves". With less than a month to go before the election, ESKOM officials, accompanied by police visited Trevor. Prepped to cut his electricity, they began digging up the earth in front of his house, searching for the offending cable. The community would however have their say as well, and twice the ESKOM brigades were forced to flee and return with reinforcements.

      Refugees & forced migration

      Africa: African transit migration through Libya to Europe


      This report, by the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Centre at the American University in Cairo, seeks to shed light on the experiences of refugees, asylum-seekers and migrants temporarily residing in and passing through Libya en route to the EU. It also analyses the notion of protection for refugees and asylum-seekers in Libya both from a legal perspective and as understood by refugees and asylum-seekers themselves.

      Central African Republic: Thousands of civilians flee as army fights bandits


      At least 2,000 villagers in two provinces in the northwest of the Central African Republic are hiding in the bush without food while an equal number has fled to neighbouring Chad recently to avoid fighting between the army and bandits, local sources said. At the same time, humanitarian workers said on Friday displaced villagers in the provinces of Ouham and Ouham Pende were in dire need of relief aid as insecurity had prevented humanitarian agencies from providing help.

      Egypt: Civil society remembers death of Sudanese, calls for enquiry


      Civil society groups and members of the Sudanese community in Egypt held a ceremony on Tuesday commemorating refugees and asylum seekers killed in clashes with local police, following a sit-in protest in December 2005. In Muslim countries such as Egypt, wakes are traditionally held 40 days after a death has occurred. Late last year, Sudanese protesters staged a three-month-long sit-in demonstration in a public park in central Cairo. On the night of 29 December, however, Egyptian police staged a massive security operation to evacuate the site of the protest.

      Ethiopia: Life-sustaining water project in Ethiopia will live on after refugees leave


      Over the years, Somali refugees in the Kebribeyah Camp area of Ethiopia have gradually returned to their homeland, but a life-sustaining water system originally installed by the UN refugee agency will remain behind to ease the lives of both the last refugees and the local communities.

      Sudan: First batch of Sudanese returnees arrive home


      The first batch of 10,000 Sudanese refugees who have lived in the Central African Republic (CAR) for 16 years arrived home this week following a recent agreement between the two governments and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). To ensure their successful reintegration into society on their return, NGOs are operating health programmes to treat endemic illnesses such guinea worm, leprosy and river blindness - all concerns among these communities as they return home. UNHCR, IOM and other organizations have implemented programmes that would provide assistance with water, health, education, food security and income generation.

      Sudan: In Darfur, tiny steps toward policing a lawless land


      At Kalma, the largest camp of displaced people in the area with a population pushing 100,000, local police officers are not allowed inside. After violent clashes broke out last year between camp dwellers and local government officials, the police moved their substation out of the camp to a patch of sand nearby. Resources are thinner for the Sudanese police force. Even those officers committed to policing frequently find it hard to do their jobs. Some police posts lack vehicles, while victims must sometimes provide their own pen and paper to fill out a report.

      Sudan: The refugee voices of women in Kalma Camp, Darfur


      Located 17 kilometers outside of Nyala, Kalma camp is also one of Darfur’s largest, with nearly 90,000 inhabitants. Most have lived there for nearly two years, fleeing the fighting between rebel groups and government-sponsored Janjaweed militias. There is no Sudanese government presence or police in Kalma camp. After the government police attempted to arrest one of the sheikhs, the angry population chased the police and the government camp managers out, burning down their offices. In retaliation, the Sudanese government has cracked down hard on Kalma, blocking all commercial trade to the camp for months. Recently, the African Union set up a police station inside the camp, bringing some modicum of security.

      Elections & governance

      DRC: Political parties brace for polls


      At least five candidates have registered to contest the presidency of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in elections set for April while about 300 political parties are expected to participate in the polls. As preparations for DRC's first democratic elections in over 40 years swing into gear, the country's interior ministry announced that it has so far registered some 300 political parties keen on taking part in the polls.

      Nigeria: Assembly drops 3rd term option


      The National Assembly Joint Committee on the review of the 1999 Constitution succumbed yesterday (February 1) to massive public pressure and stepped down the controversial report recommending a third term for the President and governors. Moments before the committee’s resolution, the Northern Members Forum in the National Assembly had declared that it remained undaunted in its opposition to the plan, in spite of its endorsement by state governors at their Abuja meeting on Monday. After a charged meeting, the enlarged Mantu Committee resolved to adopt the 1999 Constitution as the working document during the proposed public hearing on the new Constitution.

      Nigeria: United Nations and burden of reform


      Nigeria deserves to become a permanent member of the Security Council, partly because of its outstanding record of contributing to international peacekeeping and also since it is "the largest black democracy in the world, which respects the tenets and principles of human rights of her citizens," Emmanuel Onwubiko, a commissioner on Nigeria's National Human Rights Commission, writes in the Daily Independent.

      South Africa: Mbeki rules out third term


      South African President Thabo Mbeki has ruled out staying in his post beyond the end of his second term in 2009. He said the governing ANC would not use its two-thirds parliamentary majority to change the constitution to allow a third presidential term. Formerly deputy president, Mr Mbeki succeeded Nelson Mandela as president in 1999 and was re-elected in 2004. Some ANC supporters have called for a debate on a constitutional change, promoting speculation over a third term. But in an interview with South African television, Mr Mbeki moved to crush such speculation.

      Swaziland: No democracy allowed


      "King Mswati's time is up," headlined South Africa's Sunday Times last month after arrests and reports of torture of banned opposition party members in Swaziland. But with inauguration of a new constitution entrenching the powers of the monarchy, the prospects for democracy in this small country neighboring South Africa do not seem promising. Despite popular discontent with the country's poverty, and the contrast with its ruler's lavish lifestyle, Swazis are reported to be afraid to speak out as well as preoccupied with immediate issues such as AIDS. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and Amnesty International have condemned the stepped up repression, but there has been no public concern expressed by the South African government.

      Tanzania: Kikwete rejects pay hike for MPs


      The new administration in Tanzania has weathered its major political test after the Government declined to heed MPs' demand for higher salaries. The MPs were demanding salaries and other perks that would bring them at par with their counterparts' in other East African countries. Western envoys in Tanzania were reportedly relieved when the Government made its position on MPs' salaries public.

      Uganda: Judge quits treason trial


      The judge due to hear the treason trial of Uganda's opposition leader has withdrawn from the case, saying there was a perception he would be biased. Judge John Bosco Katutsi described the view as "absolute rubbish" but said a judge should be above suspicion. He said he had had sleepless nights and his health had suffered. He is the second judge to withdraw from a case concerning Kizza Besigye - expected to be the strongest challenger in elections due on 23 February.

      Uganda: Two million have no voters' cards


      At least two million registered voters are expected to turn up at polling stations without voters' cards, Daily Monitor has learnt. The Electoral Commission announced last week (February 2) that, due to delays in cleaning up the national voters' register, registered voters will be allowed to cast their votes in the forthcoming elections even if they do not have cards, as long as they can identify themselves. "People who registered in the recent update do not have cards and they are about two million," the EC Database Manager, Mr Pontius Namugera said in an interview. Namugera said the number is likely to be higher because the Commission has not distributed all the 8.5 million voters' cards it ordered.


      Chad: Government and World Bank struggle to save face in oil row


      The rhetoric may be flying, with outbursts over "a fool's agreement" and "neo-colonialist and imperialist behaviour," but most observers believe the oil row between the Chadian government and the World Bank will end in a face-saving compromise. The stand-off began in December when Chad's parliament passed an amendment to the law governing how oil revenues can be spent, prompting the World Bank to suspend $124 million in loans and cut the flow of petrodollars to the landlocked, impoverished country.

      DRC: Groups question World Bank's role in troubled mine


      World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz, who has sought to cast himself as a champion of transparency, is facing accusations that his office is suppressing a report on a Bank-backed mining project in Africa that allegedly contributed to the deaths of dozens of people. Watchdog groups say that violence has marred the Dikulushi Copper-Silver Mining Project in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) where the bank's guarantee arm, the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), provided 13.3 million dollars of political risk insurance to the Australian company, Anvil Mining, running the mine.

      Global: Wolfowitz 'to target corruption'


      World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz has sworn to crack down on corruption by governments and officials in developing world nations where the bank operates. He has also promised to examine any irregularities within the bank itself, vowing to tackle "difficult issues". Speaking to employees worldwide, Mr Wolfowitz said the bank had to move "more decisively and energetically".

      Kenya: Law Society to sue key graft suspects


      The Law Society of Kenya plans to sue those adversely mentioned in the Anglo Leasing and Goldenberg scandals. The Society's chairman said the organisation would start private proceedings against suspects in the two scandals once it has gathered enough evidence. In 1994, LSK sued individuals it believed had participated in the Goldenberg scandal.

      Kenya: Mystery of mace sent to London for Sh2m polishing


      The mace, the symbol of the Kenyan Parliament's authority, has been flown to London to be polished at a cost of about Ksh. 2 million (about $28,500), a local daily in Kenya has learnt. And the Criminal Investigations Department is now investigating the manner in which the mace left Parliament. An official who did not want to be named, said polishing the mace in London would cost the National Assembly Ksh. 2 million yet the same work could be done by a local goldsmith for about Ksh. 20,000 (about $285). The Parliamentary Service Commission, which authorises expenditure of more than Ksh. 1million was not aware of the development.

      Senegal: Former prime minister freed after seven months behind bars


      Former Senegalese prime minister, Idrissa Seck, was released from prison on Tuesday after more than seven months in detention on charges of corruption and threatening state security. An investigating panel of the Senegalese high court ordered the release after examining charges against the 46-year-old one-time top ally of President Abdoulaye Wade.

      Tanzania: US gives Tanzania $11 million anti-corruption grant


      Tanzania is to receive more than $11 million from the US for a multifaceted anti-corruption programme. The grant is part of a US aid initiative intended to reward and encourage economic, social and governance reforms in developing countries. The two-year, $11.1 million package is being awarded to Tanzania in response to the country's own proposals for fighting corruption.


      East Africa: Treaty faces fresh hurdles


      One year after the implementation of the East African Customs Union, its top decision making body has met only once. This has left an array of problems plaguing the economic bloc unresolved. The Council of Ministers has not met since June 2005 after it met in December 2004. The Customs Union came into effect on January 1, 2005.

      Global: An aid institutions paradox?


      Does foreign aid help develop public institutions and state capacity in developing countries? In this Working Paper, the authors suggest that despite recent calls for increased aid to poor countries by the international community, there may be an aid-institutions paradox. While donor intentions may be sincere, the authors conclude that it is possible that aid could undermine long-term institutional development, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. By reviewing the evidence of the potentially negative effects of aid dependence on state institutions, the authors provide a thorough analysis of the institutional effects of aid.

      Global: Corporate influence over WTO talks exposed in new report


      Multinational companies have an undue influence over the making of global trade rules at the World Trade Organization (WTO). Big business lobbyists have privileged access to government policymakers and use it to push trade agreements that undermine the fight against poverty. This Action Aid report highlights many examples of privileged corporate access to, and excessive influence over, the WTO policy-making process. It argues that governments must take urgent action to curb corporate influence in the WTO and put the rights of poor people before the profits of multinationals in the current round of global trade talks.

      Global: Meeting global water and sanitation goals


      Globally, the lack of access to clean water and sanitation facilities results in the deaths of 3,900 children daily. The importance of water and sanitation is recognised in the Millennium Development Goals. What will it take to expand water supply and sanitation coverage to the extent necessary to achieve them? How can water use be optimised to achieve the rest of the Goals? The Millennium Project Task Force on Water and Sanitation was created to advise on how Target 10 of the MDGs – halving the number of people without access to sustainable safe drinking water and basic sanitation by 2015 – can be achieved.

      Global: New white paper on international development


      Building on the first two White Papers this new White Paper on International Development will set out what the UK government will do - in developing countries, in the UK and internationally to translate the promises of 2005 into better lives for poor people in poor countries. The new White Paper will focus on three central themes: what can we do to reduce poverty and deliver development more quickly; what policies are needed in the UK and internationally to create the conditions necessary for reducing poverty; how can the international development system be reformed so that it delivers better results for development, and be more responsive to the needs of poor people.

      Mali: ‘Bamako Appeal’ promotes struggle against market-driven society


      Globalization intellectuals and political activists, including Marxist economists and organizers, came together to meet on Jan. 18-19 in Bamako, Mali, just before the polycentric World Social Forum opened in this city. The gathering, which was not an official WSF activity but whose invitees also participated in many WSF discussions, issued a statement at the end of the meeting: the Bamako Appeal. The appeal involves promoting discussion and action on a series of points outlining major problems for humanity. These include the need to build a workers' united front and to struggle against imperialist domination and U.S. military hegemony; the problems of peasant societies under threat of destruction from subsidized competition; democratic management of media and cultural diversity; and the struggle against neoliberal and market-driven policies.

      * To read the rest of this article visit

      * To read the Bamako appeal, click on the link below.


      More than five years of worldwide gatherings of people and organizations who oppose neo-liberalism have provided an experience leading to the creation of a new collective conscience. The social forums -- world, thematic, continental or national -- and the Assembly of Social Movements have been the principal architects of this conscience. Meeting in Bamako on Jan. 18, 2006, on the eve of the opening of the Polycentric World Social Forum, the participants during this day dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the Bandung Conference have expressed the need to define alternate goals of development, creating a balance of societies, abolishing exploitation by class, gender, race and caste, and marking the route to a new relation of forces between North and South.

      The Bamako Appeal aims at contributing to the emergence of a new popular and historical subject, and at consolidating the gains made at these meetings. It seeks to advance the principle of the right to an equitable existence for everyone; to affirm a collective life of peace, justice and diversity; and to promote the means to reach these goals at the local level and for all of humanity.

      In order that an historical subject come into existence – one that is diverse, multipolar and from the people – it is necessary to define and promote alternatives capable of mobilizing social and political forces. The goal is a radical transformation of the capitalist system. The destruction of the planet and of millions of human beings, the individualist and consumerist culture that accompanies and nourishes this system, along with its imposition by imperialist powers are no longer tolerable, since what is at stake is the existence of humanity itself. Alternatives to the wastefulness and destructiveness of capitalism draw their strength from a long tradition of popular resistance that also embraces all of the short steps forward indispensable to the daily life of the system’s victims.

      The Bamako Appeal, built around the broad themes discussed in subcommittees, expresses the commitment to:

      (i) Construct an internationalism joining the peoples of the South and the North who suffer the ravages engendered by the dictatorship of financial markets and by the uncontrolled global deployment of the transnational firms;

      (ii) Construct the solidarity of the peoples of Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas confronted with challenges of development in the 21st century;

      (iii) Construct a political, economic and cultural consensus that is an alternative to militarized and neo-liberal globalization and to the hegemony of the United States and its allies.

      I. The principles

      1. Construct a world founded on the solidarity of human beings and peoples

      Our epoch is dominated by the imposition of competition among workers, nations and peoples. However, historically the principle of solidarity has played a role much more conducive to the efficient organization of intellectual and material production. We want to give to this principle of solidarity the place it deserves and diminish the role of competition.

      2. Construct a world founded on the full affirmation of citizenship and equality of the sexes

      The politically active citizen must ultimately become responsible for the management of all the aspects of social, political, economic and cultural life. This is the condition for an authentic affirmation of democracy. Without this, the human being is reduced by the laws imposed on him or her to a mere provider of labor power, an impotent spectator confronted with decisions handed down by those in charge, a consumer propelled toward the worst waste. The affirmation, in law and in deed, of the absolute equality of sexes is an integral part of authentic democracy. One of the conditions of this democracy is the eradication of all forms of the patriarchy, either admitted or hidden.

      3. Construct a universal civilization offering in all areas the full potential of creative development to all its diverse members

      For neo-liberalism, the affirmation of the individual – not that of the politically active citizen – allows the spread of the best human qualities. The capitalist system’s unbearable isolation, imposed on the individual, produces its own illusory antidote: imprisonment in the ghettos of alleged common identities, most often those of a para-ethnic and or para-religious type. We want to construct a universal civilization that looks to the future without nostalgia; one in which the political diversity of citizens and cultural and political differences of nations and peoples become the means of reinforcing individual creative development.

      4. Construct socialization through democracy

      Neo-liberal policies aim to impose as the sole method of socialization the force of the market, whose destructive impact on the majority of human beings no longer needs to be demonstrated. The world we want conceives sociability as the principle product of a democratization without boundaries. In this framework, in which the market has a place but not the predominant place, economy and finance should be put at the service of a societal program; they should not be subordinated to the imperatives of dominant capital that favor the private interests of a tiny majority. The radical democracy that we want to promote reestablishes the creative force of political innovation as a fundamental human attribute. It bases social life on the production and reproduction of an inexhaustible diversity, and not on a manipulated consensus that eliminates all meaningful discussions and leaves dissidents weakened and trapped in ghettoes.

      5. Construct a world founded on the recognition of the non-market-driven law of nature and of the resources of the planet and of its agricultural soil

      The capitalist neo-liberal model aims at submitting all aspects of social life, almost without exception, to the status of a commodity. The process of privatization and marketization to the ultimate degree brings with it devastating results on a scale without precedent in human history: the threat to the fundamental biogeochemical processes of the planet; destruction of biodiversity through the undermining of ecosystems, the waste of vital resources (oil and water in particular); the annihilation of peasant societies threatened by massive expulsion from their land. All these areas of society-nature metabolism must be managed as the common wealth and in accordance with the basic needs of all of humanity. In these areas, the decisions must be based not on the market but on the political powers of nations and peoples.

      6. Construct a world founded on the recognition of the non-market-driven status of cultural products and scientific acquisitions, of education and of health care

      Neo-liberal policies lead to turning cultural products into commodities and to the privatization of the most important social services, notably those of health and education. This option is accompanied by the mass production of low quality para-cultural products, the submission of research to the exclusive priority of short-term profits, the degradation of education and health care for the poorest sectors of the people, including even their exclusion. The reinstatement and expansion of these public services should reinforce the satisfaction of needs and rights essential to education, health care and providing food.

      7. Promote policies that closely associate democracy without pre-assigned limits, with social progress and the affirmation of autonomy of nations and peoples

      Neo-liberal policies deny the preconditions of social progress – that some claim are a spontaneous product of the market – preconditions such as the autonomy of nations and peoples, necessary to the correction of inequalities. Under the regime of market hegemony, democracy is emptied of all effective content, made vulnerable and compromised in the extreme. To affirm an authentic democracy demands giving to social progress its determining place in the management of all aspects of social, political, economic and cultural life. The diversity of nations and of peoples produced by history, in all its positive aspects along with the inequalities that accompany them, demands the affirmation of autonomy of peoples and nations. There does not exist a unique universal recipe in the political or economic spheres that would permit any bypassing of this autonomy. The task of building equality necessarily requires a diversity of means to carry it out.

      8. Affirm the solidarity of the people of the North and the South in the construction of an internationalism on an anti-imperialist basis

      The solidarity of all the peoples – of the North and of the South – in the construction of a universal civilization cannot be founded on the illusory notion that it is possible simply to ignore the conflicts of interest that separate different classes and nations that make up the real world. Such genuine solidarity must necessarily transcend the antagonisms inherent to capitalism and imperialism. The regional organizations behind the alternative globalization movement must seek to strengthen the autonomy and the solidarity of nations and of peoples on the five continents. This perspective is in contradiction to that of the present dominant model of regionalization, conceived as consisting of mere building blocks of neo-liberal globalization. Fifty years after Bandung, the Bamako Appeal calls for a Bandung of the peoples of the South, victims of really existing capitalism, and the rebuilding of a peoples’ front of the South able to hold in check both the imperialism of the dominant economic powers and U.S. military hegemony. Such an anti-imperialist front would not oppose the peoples of the South to those of the North. On the contrary, it would constitute the basis of a global internationalism associating them all together in the building of a common civilization in its diversity.



      In order to progress from a collective conscience to the building of collective, popular, plural and multipolar actors, it has always been necessary to identify precise themes to formulate strategies and concrete proposals. The themes of the Bamako Appeal deal with the following 10 fields, including both long- term goals and proposals for immediate action: the political organization of globalization; the economic organization of the world system; the future of peasant societies; the building of a workers’ united front; regionalization for the benefit of the peoples; the democratic management of the societies; gender equality; the sustainable management of the resources of the planet; the democratic management of the media and the cultural diversity; democratization of international organizations.

      The Bamako Appeal is an invitation to all the organizations of struggle representative of the vast majorities that comprise the working classes of the globe, to all those excluded from the neoliberal capitalist system, and to all people and political forces who support these principles-- to work together in order to put into effect the new collective conscience, as an alternative to the present system of inequality and destruction.

      Only by building synergies and solidarity beyond geographical and regional borders is it possible to find methods of action that can lead to real alternatives in this globalized world. Working groups will continue during the year to inquire further into and concretize the topics addressed below, to prepare for the next meeting and to propose strategic priorities for action.

      1. For a multipolar world system founded on peace, LAW and negotiation

      In order to imagine an authentic multipolar world system which rejects the control of planet by the United States of America and guarantees the whole gamut of rights for politically active citizens, allowing the people to control their destinies, it is necessary:

      1) to reinforce the movement protesting against war and military occupations, as well as solidarity with the people engaged in resistance in the hot spots of the planet. In this respect, it is crucial that the world demonstration against the war in Iraq and the military presence in Afghanistan envisaged for March 18 and 19, 2006, coincide with:

      ? calls for the prohibition of the use and the manufacture of nuclear weapons and destruction of all the existing arsenals;

      ? calls to dismantle all the military bases outside of national territory, in particular the base in Guantánamo [U.S.-occupied Cuba];

      ? calls for the immediate closing of all the CIA-run prisons.

      2) to reject any interventions by NATO outside Europe and to require that the European partners dissociate from themselves from U.S. “preventive” wars, while engaging in a campaign intended to dissolve NATO.

      3) to reaffirm solidarity with the people of Palestine, who symbolize resistance to world apartheid, as expressed by the wall establishing the divide between “civilization” and “barbarism.” For this purpose, to give priority to reinforcing the campaigns that demand the demolition of the wall of shame and the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied territories.

      4) to widen the solidarity campaigns with Venezuela and Bolivia, since these are places where people are building new alternatives to neoliberalism and crafting Latin-American integration;

      Besides these campaigns, it would also be advisable to:

      ? set up of a network of researchers, working in close connection with associations of militants acting at the local level, to build extensive and up-to-date data bases concerning U.S. and NATO military bases. Precise information on these military and strategic questions would make it possible to increase the effectiveness of the campaigns carried out to dismantle them;

      ? create of an observer group, an “Imperialism Watch,” which would not only denounce wars and war propaganda, but also expose all operations and pressures, economic and other, exerted on the peoples of the world;

      ? create a worldwide anti-imperialist network that could coordinate a variety of mobilizations throughout the planet.

      2. FOR an economic Reorganization of the GLOBAL system

      With the goal of developing an action strategy for transforming the global economic system, it is necessary:

      1) to reinforce the protest campaigns against the current rules of operation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and to define alternative rules (for the removal of the WTO from agriculture, services, intellectual property…) ;

      2) to create working groups, which build relations with existing social associations and movements that have already undertaken this work over an extended period, to establish, in the most serious and exhaustive manner possible, an inventory of proposals for alternative measures in the most fundamental economic areas:

      ? the organization of the transfer of capital and technology;

      ? the proposal for regulations (“codes of investments” for example) specifying the rights of nations and workers;

      ? the organization of the monetary system: control of the flow of capital (in particular speculative capital), suppression of tax havens, construction of regional systems of management of the stock exchanges and their connection to a renovated world system (calling in question the role of the IMF and the World Bank, returning to the principle of the rule of national laws to define the local economic system, overcoming the obstacles imposed by the unnegotiated decisions of international organization, etc.) ;

      ? the development of a true legislation concerning foreign debts (requiring that national states provide audits allowing people to identify illegitimate debts) and the reinforcement of the mobilization, in the very short term, for the cancellation of Third World debt;

      ? the reform of social services and their financing, including education, health, research, retirements…

      3) to create groups of expert researchers who can follow the evolutions of the movements of capital and mechanisms of dependence of national financial capital on international financial capital;

      4) to create working groups, with Internet site and newsgroups, by country and area, for the study of the structures of capitalist property, and the mechanisms by which capitalism operates in each country and its relationship with the international financial system;

      5) to create places to educate journalists and inform them about the complex mechanisms of neoliberal globalization.

      6) to establish contacts, in the form of connected Internet sites, between various associations of economists progressives and militants engaged in the search for alternatives to neoliberal globalization in each world region (Asia, Africa, Latin America, Oceania, Europe, North America).


      Starting from the assumption that free trade, while supporting strongest countries and transnational monopolies, is the enemy of genuine regional integration and that the latter cannot be carried out according to the rules of free trade, it is necessary to create the conditions for an alternative means of co-operation within each great area, like for example a revival of the Tricontinental, always in close connection with the action of the social movements.

      ? In Latin America, confronting the aggression of the multinationals, the workers have proposed the demand for regional integration from a new point of view, based on cooperative advantages, instead of on comparative advantages. Such is the case of the alternative experiments of co-operation in the South regarding oil (Petrocaribe), reduction of the debt (repurchase of debts between countries of the South) or of education and health (Cuban doctors), for example. In fact, this co-operation that is meant to support the growth and solidarity of all countries must be based on political principle and not on the rules imposed by the WTO.

      ? In Africa, hopes for unity is very strong, as is the consciousness that resistance and development are impossible while countries are isolated and confronted with pressures from neoliberal globalization. The many institutions of integration, however, are ineffective there, and the most active are those inherited from the periods of colonization and apartheid. The African Union and its economic and social program (NEPAD) do not include any idea of collective resistance. It is in this context that civil societies must become aware of the need to overcome their divisions.

      For the North-African countries bordering the Mediterranean Sea, the Euro-Mediterranean Accords constitute an additional example of regionalization carried out to impose dependency on the South.

      ? In Asia, to confront neoliberal globalization, despite the difficulties, popular initiatives to carry out another type of regional integration have succeeded in beginning to join together a number of civil society organizations and NGOs in the majority of the countries, leading in particular to the development of a popular charter aiming to reinforce co-operation in trade.

      Consequently, it seems appropriate to recommend, besides an intensification of the campaigns against wars and the threats of wars, the following proposals:

      1) for Latin America: to widen the support campaigns to the ALBA, definitively to make sure the U.S. strategy of ALCA fails; to promote independence and the development in justice and equity among peoples and to integrate based on co-operation and solidarity and with the ability to adapt to specific needs of these two latter characteristics; to mobilize the social movements so as to broaden and deepen the processes of alternative integration, such as with Petrocaribe or Telesur; to promote trade in the context of a logic of cooperation; and to strengthen the coordination of social and political action organizations to implement these recommendations.

      2) for Africa: to sensitize the movements of civil society to the need to formulate alternative proposals for African initiatives; to take into account the need for coordinating actions undertaken on regional and national levels; to launch campaigns for peace to put an end to the existing conflicts or to prevent the risks of new conflicts; to depart designs of integration founded on race or culture.

      3) for Asia: to thwart the expansion and the competition of capital among countries and to reinforce solidarity between working classes of the various countries; to promote the local circuit between production and consumption; to promote sciences for rural reconstruction.

      To be effective, co-operation among countries of the South must express solidarity with the peoples and governments that resist neoliberalism and seek alternatives from the point of view of a multipolar world system.

      4. FOR the DEMOCRATIC MANAGEMENT OF the PLANET'S Natural resources

      The concept of “natural resources” must be subordinated to that of sustainability, and thus of the right to a decent life for both present and future generations, with the goal of stopping the devastation and plunder of the planet. What is involved here s a vital principle and not a simple management of natural resources. These resources cannot be used beyond their renewal or replacement capacity, and should be employed in accordance with the needs of each country. Criteria for their use must be defined so as to guarantee genuine sustainable development, which means preserving biodiversity and intact ecosystems. It is also necessary to encourage the development of substitutes for nonrenewable resources. The commodification of life results in wars over oil, water, and other essential resources. Agribusiness gives the advantage to the culture of exploitation and profits over the culture of ecological sustainability (and the meeting of subsistence needs). It imposes technical methods which produce dependency and destruction of the environment (contracts of exploitation to impose certain material methods of production:, machinery, chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and imperial seeds-- along with GMO).

      Concretely, two levels of actions on the environment must be combined: micro and macro. At the macro level, which relates to the national governments, it would be desirable that an interstate framework of multilateral dialog should have the ability to put political pressure on the national governments to take global measures. The micro level concerns local or regional actions, where civil society has an important role to play, in particular to disseminate information and to change practices in order to save resources and protect the environment. The local level must be at all times be reinforced, as decisions are too often considered only at the macro level.

      The following actions could result from this:

      1) to constitute an international court charged with considering ecological crimes: the countries of North and their local clients could then be sentenced to pay reparations to the countries of the South (ecological debts);

      2) to disallow as illegal contracts that force farmers to be dependent on the suppliers of seeds, a situation that leads to technological slavery and the destruction of biodiversity;

      3) to abolish “pollution rights” and their sale and purchase and to oblige the rich countries to decrease their production rate of carbon dioxide (now 5.6 tons per person per year in the United States) to allow the poor countries (now 0.7 tons per person per year for the non-G8 countries) to industrialize;

      4) to prohibit the buildings of dams( insofar as they are really necessary) without compensation for the displaced populations (economic refuges);

      5) to protect the living and genetic resources from being patented by the North, which impoverishes the countries of the South. This process constitutes a colonial-type theft;

      6) to fight against the privatization of the water, which the World Bank promotes, even in the form of private-public partnership (PPP) and to guarantee a minimum quantity of water per person while respecting the rhythm of renewal of ground water;

      7) to create a group to Observe the Environment (Ecology Watch) prepared to denounce and respond to those actions characterized as aggression against the environment.


      In the domain of peasant agriculture, there are initially medium and long-term objectives related to food sovereignty, which are simultaneously at the national, international, multilateral (that of the WTO) and bilateral levels (Economic Partnership Agreements [EPA], negotiated between the African, Caribbean and Pacific [ACP] countries and the European Union). Then, at the national level, this also involves agricultural pricing and marketing policy (more than structural policy)-- the access of the farmers to the means of production and first of all, the land. In the very short term, in 2006, what is necessary is preventing the completion of the Doha Round, and the refusal to conclude the EPAs. For this purpose, the proposals here relate to two axes: the means to achieve food sovereignty in the medium term, and as a precondition imposing a setback on the Doha Round and EPAs.

      1) Proposals to assure food sovereignty:

      Food sovereignty involves granting to each national state (or group of states) the right to define its internal agricultural policy and the type of connection it wishes to have with the world market, along with the right to protect itself effectively from imports and to subsidize its farmers -- with the proviso that it is prohibited from exporting agricultural produce at a price lower than the average total production cost excluding direct or indirect subsidies (upstream or downstream). Food sovereignty is the lever that makes it possible for all countries to regain their national sovereignty in all areas. It is also a tool to promote democracy since it requires the participation of all the various forces in agro-alimentary production in defining its objectives and means, starting with the family farmers. It thus implies regulatory action on the national, sub-regional and international levels.

      — At the national level:

      The national states must guarantee access of the peasant producers to the productive resources, and first of all to the land. It is necessary to stop promoting agribusiness and the monopolization of the land by the national bourgeoisie (including government officials) and transnational firms to the detriment of the peasant producers. That implies facilitating investments in family farms and improving the local products to make them attractive to consumers. Access to land for all the peasants of the world must be recognized as a basic right. Implementing this right requires adequate reforms of the land systems and sometimes agrarian reform.

      To share the objective of food sovereignty with the urban consumers — an essential condition to have the governments participate — three types of actions should be carried out:

      ? restrict actions of the merchants that penalize the farmers and consumers.

      ? hold public awareness campaigns for consumers regarding the immense harm done to agriculture and to the economy as a whole by dependence on imported products, which are virtually the only products sold, for example, in the supermarkets of West Africa.

      ? gradually raise farm prices by promoting the right to import, but only in such a way as to avoid penalizing consumers with very limited purchasing power. This must be accompanied by the distribution of coupons to the poorer consumers that allows them to purchase local foodstuffs at the old price, similar to what is done the United States, India and Brazil--while awaiting an increase in productivity of the farmers to cause a drop in their unit production costs, enabling them to lower their selling prices to the consumers.

      — At the sub-regional level:

      So that the national states can recover their full sovereignty, and first of all their food sovereignty, regional political integration is unavoidable for the small countries of the South. For this purpose, it is necessary to reform the current regional institutions, in particular, in Africa, the West African Economic and Monetary Union and the Economic Community of West African States (UEMOA and CEDEAO in their French initials, resp.), which are much too dependent on the various mega-powers.

      — At the international level:

      To pressure the United Nations to recognize food sovereignty as a basic right of national states, one essential to implement the right to food as defined in the Universal Declaration of Humans Rights of 1948 and the International Treaty of 1996 relating to economic, social and cultural rights. At this level, four regulatory instruments of international agricultural trade should be established to make food sovereignty effective:

      ? an effective protection against irresponsible, socially destructive imports, i.e., one founded on variable deductions that can guarantee a high-enough fixed entrance price to assure a minimum domestic farm prices adequate to secure farmers’ investments and banks’ loans; customs duties alone are insufficiently protective with regard to strongly fluctuating world prices, a fluctuation worsened by that of fluctuating exchange rates.

      ? the elimination of all forms of dumping, by prohibiting any export priced below the total average production cost of the exporting country, excluding direct or indirect subsidies.

      ? set the mechanisms of international coordination of price controls, so as to avoid structural overproduction and to minimize conjunctural overproduction that collapses farm prices.

      ? the need for get agriculture away from WTO control by entrusting the international regulation of agricultural trade to an institution of the United Nations, possibly the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO). In particular, by reforming its organization on the tripartite model of International Labor Organization (ILO), which would associate to this regulation the representatives of agricultural trade unions (International Federation of Agricultural Producers and Via Campesina) beside representatives of the agro-alimentary firms (which act already in the shadows on the governments negotiating with the WTO) and of the national states.

      2) Short-term proposals to prevent the Doha Round and the Economic Partnership Agreement:

      A major lesson of the ministerial Conference of the WTO in Hong Kong is that the governments of Brazil and India, and with them G-20, abandoned the interests of the populations of the Third World and appeared the most determined promoters of neo-liberal globalization. Since the Doha Round is a “total package” (individual undertaking), there is a way to cause its failure. International civil society, and first of all the country-wide organizations of North and the South, will be able in a media campaign to show that these subsidies (particularly of the “green box”), are an instrument of dumping much more significant than the explicit subsidies for exports, and they will be still more significant starting in 2014 when the export subsidies are eliminated.


      Two of the principal weapons in the hands of workers are the right to vote and the right to form trade unions. Up to now democracy and trade unions were built mainly within the national states. Now, however, neo-liberal globalization has challenged the workers the world over, and globalized capitalism cannot be confronted at the national level alone. Today, the task is twofold: to strengthen organizing on a national level and simultaneously globalize democracy and reorganize a worldwide working class.

      Mass unemployment and the increasing proportion of informal work arrangements are other imperative reasons to reconsider the existing organizations of the laboring classes. A world strategy for labor must consider not only the situation of workers who work under stable contracts. Employment out of the formal sectors now involves an increasing portion of workers, even in the industrialized countries. In the majority of the countries of the South, the workers of the informal sector – temporary labor, informal labor, the self-employed, the unemployed, street salespeople, those who sell their own services — together form the majority of the laboring classes. These groups of informal workers are growing in the majority of the countries of the South because of high unemployment and a two-sided process: on the one hand, the decreasing availability of guaranteed employment and increased informal employment, and on the other hand, the continuous migration from the rural areas to the towns. The most important task will be for workers outside the formal sector to organize themselves and for the traditional trade unions to open up in order to carry out common actions.

      The traditional trade unions have had problems responding to this challenge. Not all the organizations of the workers—except in the formal sectors--will necessarily be trade unions or similar organizations and the traditional trade unions will also have to change. New perspectives for organizing together, based on horizontal bonds and mutual respect, must develop between the traditional trade unions and the new social movements. For this purpose, the following proposals are submitted for consideration:

      1. An opening of the trade unions towards collaboration with the other social movements without trying to subordinate them to the traditional trade-union structure or a specific political party.

      2. The constitution of effectively transnational trade-union structures in order to confront transnational employers. These trade-union structures should have a capacity to negotiate and at the same time have a mandate to organize common actions beyond national borders. For this purpose, an important step would be to organize strong trade-union structures within transnational corporations. These corporations have a complex network of production and are often very sensitive to any rupture in the chains of production and distribution, that is, they are vulnerable. Some successes in the struggles against the transnational corporations could have a real impact on the world balance of power between capital and labor.

      3. Technological development and structural change are necessary to improve living conditions and eradicate poverty, but the relocations of production are not carried out today in the interest of the workers; instead, they are exclusively profit-driven. It is necessary to promote a gradual improvement of the wages and working conditions, to expand local production along with local demand and a system of negotiation to carry out relocation in other ways than simply following the logic of profit and free trade. These relocations could fit under transnational negotiation in order to prevent workers of the various countries from being forced to enter in competition with each other in a relentless battle.

      4. To consider the rights of migrant worker as a basic concern for the trade unions by ensuring that solidarity among workers is not dependent on their national origin. Indeed, segregation and discrimination on ethnic or other bases are threats to working-class solidarity.

      5. To take care so that the future transnational organization of the laboring class is not conceived as a unique, hierarchical and pyramidal structure, but as a variety of various types of organizations, with a network-like structure with many horizontal bonds.

      6. To promote a labor front in reorganized structures that also include workers outside the formal sector throughout the world, capable of taking effective coordinated actions to confront globalized capitalism.

      Only such a renewed movement of workers, worldwide, inclusive and acting together with other social movements will be able to transform the present world and to create a world order founded on solidarity rather than on competition.



      Progressive forces must re-appropriate the concept of democracy, because an alternative, socialist society must be fully democratic. Democracy does not come from on high. It is a process of cultural transformation, because people change through their practice. It is thus essential that activists in popular movements and in left or progressive governments understand that it is necessary to create spaces for real participation both in workplaces and in neighborhoods. Without the transformation of people into protagonists of their history, the problems of the people -- health, food, education, housing…. -- cannot be solved. The lack of political participation contributed to the fall of the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. The citizens of these countries were hardly motivated to defend regimes where they were observers and not actors.

      The struggle for democracy must also be linked to the struggle to eradicate poverty and all forms of exclusion. Indeed, to solve these problems, the people must become wielders of power. That implies waging a struggle against the logic of capitalist profit and erecting in its place, in whatever areas that can be won, a different, humanist logic of solidarity. It is no longer enough to just assert the need for an alternative society; it is necessary to propose popular initiatives which are alternatives to capitalism and which aim to break the logic of commerce and the relations that this dynamic imposes.

      But this also involves organizing struggles that cannot be reduced to simple economic demands, as necessary as these are, and which put forward an alternative social project, including real levels of authority and democracy, going beyond the current forms of parliamentary representative democracy and its elections. We must struggle for a new type of democracy, coming from below, for those on the lowest levels of society, through local governments, rural communities, workers fronts, politically active citizens… This democratic practice of solidarity will be the best way to attract new sectors of society to the struggle for a fully democratic alternative society.

      In order to concretize these principles, the following broad outline is proposed:

      ? Insert democracy into the totality of the conditions which characterize movements of emancipation and liberation, in their individual and collective dimension.

      ? Recognize that the failures of the Soviet system and the regimes that arose from decolonization resulted largely from their denial of freedom and their underestimation of the value of democracy. The development of alternatives must integrate this fact and give preeminence to building democracy.

      ? Contest the hypocritical words of the dominant powers, which are all too ready to give lessons in democracy. U.S. imperialism’s cynicism is particularly unbearable, as its agents reveal themselves as torturers, warmongers and violators of liberty. Despite this, U.S. cynicism should not serve as a pretext to limit freedom and the exercise of democracy.

      ? Reject the dominant conception of democracy advanced by the United States and the Western powers. Democracy cannot be defined as accepting the rules of the market, subordinating oneself to the world market, to multi-party elections controlled from abroad and to a simplistic ideology of human rights. This type of neoliberal democracy blocks genuine democracy by arbitrarily tying the importance of free elections and the respecting of human rights to demands for an expansion of the market economy. The curtailment of democracy in this way, which puts the market first, perverts its meaning.

      ? Recognize that there is strong dialectic between political democracy and social democracy, because political democracy is incomplete and cannot last if inequalities, exploitation and social injustice persist. Social democracy cannot progress without struggle against oppression and discrimination, while still keeping in mind that no social policy can justify the absence of freedom and disrespect of basic rights.

      ? Affirm that democracy requires an effective and increasing participation of the population, producers and inhabitants. This implies transparency in decision making and in responsibilities. It does not diminish the importance of representative democracy On the contrary, it completes and deepens it.

      ? Since democracy must facilitate the struggle against poverty, inequalities, injustice and discrimination, it must reserve a strategic position for the poor and oppressed, their struggles and their movements. In this sense democracy in the operation of these movements contributes to their survival and successes.

      ? Democracy in the anti-globalization (or “other-globalization”) movement is an indication of the importance the movement attaches to democracy in its orientations. It indicates a renewal of the political and organizational culture, with particular attention given to the question of authority and hierarchy. For this purpose, one proposal for immediate action is to lead a campaign so that the movements for popular education have an important role in civic education in democracy and that this dimension be present in teaching.

      Let us recall, indeed, that the anti-globalization movement is carrying a fundamentally democratic project. It asserts the access for all to fundamental rights. These include civil and political rights, in particular the right to freedom of organization and expression that are the bases of democratic freedoms. It also asserts the economic, social, cultural and environmental rights which are the foundation of social democracy. It finally asserts collective rights and the rights of the people to struggle against oppression and violence imposed on them. It is a question here of defining a program to implement democracy.

      The anti-globalization movement also recognizes the importance of public services as one of the essential means to guarantee access to equal rights for all. It defends the struggles of workers and users of these public services. It promotes proposals coming out of movements to defend them, in education and health. For example in health, access to a list of free drugs, the rejection of monopolies, the dictatorship of patents and their attempts to put living organisms under control of a patent.

      ? The struggle for democracy must take account of various levels of intervention. We will examine five of these levels: enterprise, local democracy, national democracy, larger regions, and worldwide democracy. For each of these levels, an action can be proposed as illustration. The choice of the priorities will be the result of debate over strategy.

      1) Democracy in the enterprise is a major demand. It implies the recognition of the authority of workers, users and territorial and national collectives. It necessitates the rejection of the shareholders' dictatorship and the destructive logic of finance capital. It leads to control of decisions, and in particular to making them on a local level. The development of innovative forms of self-organization and mutualisation is one way to assert the plurality of forms of production and to reject the false evidence that private capitalist enterprises are the most efficient. The movement demanding social and environmental responsibility from companies is of great interest, in spite of the risks of cooptation, on the condition that it leads to putting enforceable public standards into international law.

      2) Local democracy responds to the demand for proximity and participation. It bases itself on local institutions that must guarantee public services and that provide an alternative to neoliberalism. It puts the satisfaction of the needs at the local level ahead of arrangements for companies on the world market. It makes the acquisition of citizenship possible, in particular through residence, and its consequences in terms of voting rights.

      3) National democracy remains the strategic level. The questions of identities, borders, respect of the rights of minorities and the legitimacy of institutions form the bases of popular sovereignty. Public policies can be the arena of confrontation against neoliberalism. The progressive redistribution of wealth based on taxation should be defended and extended. Measures like a minimum income and retirement based on solidarity between the generations are not reserved for the rich countries, but flow from the division between profits and the income of labor specific to each society.

      4) The larger regions can spread neoliberal policies everywhere, as in the European Union, or can demonstrate counter-tendencies or provide sites of resistance, as the development of Mercosur and the failure of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA – English, ALEA – French, ALCA -- Spanish, Portuguese) shows. From this point of view, the continental social forums have considerable responsibility.

      5) Worldwide democracy is a prospect for response to widespread neoliberal policies. In the current situation, the mobilizations with the highest priority to be carried by the anti-globalization movement are: cancellation of the debt, fundamental questioning of World Trade Organization (WTO – English, OMC-- French), suppression of tax havens, international taxation particularly on financial capital (transfers of capital, profits of the transnational firms, etc.), a radical reform of the international financial institutions (with in particular the principle one country, one vote), the reform of the United Nations in respect of the rights of the people and the rejection of preventive war.

      We should create a Democracy Observation Post, which is able to resist the hegemony of the dominant countries, primarily the United States, with its duplicitous discourse on democracy; to encourage citizen control; to promote the democratic forms invented and implemented by the social movements and politically active citizens.


      The forms of the patriarchy are multiple, like its bonds with imperialism and neoliberalism. It is important and necessary to analyze its impact on women. « Patriarchy » refers to the domination of the father/patriarch and was used to describe a family model dominated by men, who have authority over all other members of the family. This model is certainly not universal, a number of African societies having been matrilineal or dual, with paternal and maternal lineages, each having their own roles for an individual. This patriarchal system expanded with the rise of monotheistic religions along with colonial ideologies and legislation.

      Today, patriarchy specifically designates domination by males, and inequality between genders to the detriment of the women, and their multiple forms of subordination. The family, which socializes the child, remains primarily for the “domestication” of girls and women. This imposition of a hierarchy of the genders is all the more marked in that it is supported by cultural standards and religious values leading to the appropriation of women’s productive and reproductive capacities. The State reinforces this patriarchal structure with its policies and family codes. Discrimination persists in relations within the family, in education, in access to material, financial and natural resources, in employment, in participation in political power, etc. Despite a perceptible advance in women's rights, male domination is still firmly in place with the “masculinization” of institutions that constitute neoliberal organization.

      The analysis of the relationship between patriarchy and imperialism and the balance sheet of the struggles of women against these systems leads us to propose several actions:

      1. Break with the practice of placing the women's question on the side. This practice leads to a political and scientific apartheid. Since the question of gender cuts across many arenas, it must be taken into account in every recommendation.

      2. Continue lobbying organizations of civil society and the political community, in order to reinforce the alliance between feminist organizations and progressive forces and to insert in the progressive agenda appeals in favor of women, including:

      ? struggle against the image of their inferior position in the social, political, cultural and religious discourse of the global society;

      ? develop education and training of women in order to break the internalization of this position of inferiority;

      ? spread a better consciousness of their active roles in society;

      ? encourage men to question this masculine domination in order to deconstruct its mechanisms;

      ? reinforce legal provisions for an effective equality between the genders;

      ? increase women’s equal representation in institutions (parity).

      3. Render visible the history of the women, their individual and collective actions, notably:

      ? the nomination of Mille women, established by some associations in Hong Kong, for the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize;

      ? the campaign of Women say No to war against the war in Iraq;

      ? various campaigns on current subjects or social projects;

      4. Promote the basic right of the women to control their bodies and their brains, to control decisions relating to their life choices: education, employment, various activities, but also sexuality and child-bearing (right to contraception, choice to have a child, right of abortion…) -- women's bodies being the site for all sorts of oppression and violence.

      5. Support theoretical reflection, starting from feminine experiences, in order to counter male domination in order to reinforce the perspectives of women on various questions affecting society, and in order to open new horizons for research and action. Women’s perspectives need to be cultivated particularly on matters of population (such as the population Conference in Cairo in 1994), or environment (as in the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992), where women demand the right to live in a healthy environment.

      6. Develop databases and an Internet site on the relationship between women and imperialism and neoliberalism.


      1 - For the right to education:

      Before the right to culture, the right to information and the right to inform, the fundamental problem of the right to education arises. This right, though it is officially recognized everywhere, remains ineffective in many countries, and particularly for young women. It is thus a priority for all social movements to pressure governments to fulfill their most elementary obligations in this field.

      2 - For the right to information and the right to inform:

      — Initiatives towards the large media

      The right to obtain information and the right to inform enter in contradiction with the general logic of how the media are structured. Through their increasing concentration on a worldwide scale, the media are not only the direct recipients of the benefits of neoliberal globalization, but also the carriers of its ideology. It is thus necessary to fight tooth and nail to throw sand into the gears of this machinery for “formatting” the human spirit, machinery whose goal is to make the neoliberal order appear not only inevitable but even desirable. For this purpose, campaigns must be launched in each country, within the framework of an international coordination:

      ? for legislative initiatives aimed at fighting against media concentration;

      ? for legislative initiatives aimed at guaranteeing the autonomy of the editors as opposed to the shareholders and owners, by encouraging, where they do not exist, the creation of journalists’ associations with real power to act;

      ? for education encouraging criticism of the media in the school system and popular organizations.

      — To support the alternative media

      The alternative media and the non-profit media, in all their forms (print, radio, television, Internet), already play important role in delivering pluralist information not subject to the diktats of finance capital and multinational corporations. This is why it is necessary to demand that governments create legal and tax conditions from which these media can benefit. A watchdog group of the Alternative Media could identify the most advanced laws existing in the world today. Just as the owners and directors of the large media do, it would be useful for the alternative media to organize each year a worldwide meeting of the people responsible for the alternative media, possibly within the framework of the process of the World Social Forums.

      — Don’t allow the television networks of the North a monopoly of the images broadcast to the world

      The large networks of international television of North, like CNN, have profited for a long time from a de-facto monopoly and have presented a view of the world corresponding to the interests of the dominant powers. In the Arab world, the creation of Al-Jazeera, with great professionalism, made it possible to break with the one-sided vision of Middle-Eastern conflicts. The recent launching of Telesur makes it possible for Latin America to be seen not exclusively through the prism of the North-American media. The creation of an African network meets an identical need, and all effort must be made to assure that it is born.

      3 - For the right to express oneself in one’s language:

      The first way to recognize all the expatriate elites of the planet is by their use of English. There is a logical bond between the voluntary or resigned submission to the U.S. super-power and the adoption of its language as the sole tool for international communication. Today Chinese and the Romance languages have – if one promotes mutual comprehension within the large family that they form – and tomorrow Arabic will have as much a right to play in parallel the role English does. It is a question of political will. To fight against “all-English,” the following measures should be encouraged:

      ? to create a goal within the educational systems, if conditions allow, of teaching two foreign languages (and not only English) for active and passive competence (understand, speak, read, write) and one or two other languages for passive competence (to read and understand orally).

      ? To put into practice, in the education systems, methods to teach mutual comprehension of the Romance languages (Spanish, Catalan, French, Italian, Portuguese, Rumanian -- which are official languages in 60 countries). When each one speaks his/her own language and understands that of the conversational partner that communication is most efficient.

      ? In the specific case of Africa, to make teaching and promotion of the national languages a political priority of the African Union.

      To create an international fund to support the translation of the maximum number of documents in the languages of the countries which have low incomes, in particular so that they are present on the Internet.

      10. FOR the DEMOCRATIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND the institutionalization of a multipolar international order

      The United Nations is a peoples’ institution, and for this reason represents a step forward. But it also reflects the balance of power among national states, whose impact can prove to be ambivalent, even negative, regarding certain peoples or under certain circumstances. Changes in the UN are thus necessary, insofar as the hegemony of the most powerful countries enables them to use the UN for their own purposes. Consequently, we propose the following initiatives:

      1. Democratize the area referred to as the United Nations;

      2. Initiate “reforms” of the UN with a goal of limiting the inequalities of the balance of power among national states;

      3. Act on the governments which constitute UN, and for this reason, to constitute within each country an observer group that permits a demonstration of the action of the governments within the United Nations, its specialized organizations and the authorities created by the Bretton Woods meeting (the IMF, the World Bank, WTO);

      4. Refinance the specialized organizations such as the FAO or the WHO, to avoid their dependence upon transnational corporations;

      5. Ensure a wide and effective presence of social movements and nongovernmental organizations within the international institutions;

      6. Promote International Courts of Justice, in particular concerning the economic crimes, while preventing them from being manipulated by the dominant powers, and, in same time, constitute courts of popular opinion in order to promote alternative means of establishing justice;

      7. Democratize the United Nations, increase the power of the General Assembly and democratize the Security Council in order to break the monopolies (right of veto, atomic powers);

      8. Promote a United Nations that allows for regionalization that is equipped with real powers on the various continents. It is in particular proposed to promote a Middle East Social Forum, gathering the progressive forces of the countries of the area to seek alternative solutions instead of the U.S. project of the Greater Middle East.

      9. Promote inside the UN respect for the sovereignty of national states, in particular vis-a-vis the actions undertaken by the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO.

      10. Promote a world Parliament of the People to bring humanity out of the vicious circle of poverty.

      Tanzania: General budget support speeds up national reform


      Donors and recipient governments are increasingly preferring General Budget Support to other forms of aid: development aid delivered directly into national budgets. This now accounts for 20 to 40 percent of government aid in many African countries. The results for development and poverty reduction have been mixed.

      Tanzania: UK gives $542m for poverty reduction


      Britain will grant the Tanzanian government £310 million ($542.5 million) over the next three years for its poverty reduction programme. The grant will make Tanzania one of the biggest UK aid recipients in the world. Unlike in neighbouring East African countries, the money is direct government- to-government support and is meant to be spent on water, health and education projects. The new money follows an agreement between the Tanzanian government and donors on January 14 when the Partnership Framework Agreement was signed.

      Health & HIV/AIDS

      Africa: Urgent call for US initiative on health workforce in AIDS-impacted countries


      The critical shortage of health care workers and weak health systems is the key bottleneck to scaling up access to AIDS treatment. While the needs of individual countries must be determined locally, experts estimate that sub-Saharan Africa needs at least 1 million new health workers to meet essential health needs. Sustained commitment and creative action are necessary to develop and support the health workforce needed to secure the right to health and achieve universal access to AIDS treatment by 2010, as well as other international health goals.
      Urgent Call for US Initiative on Health Workforce in AIDS-Impacted Countries

      (January 1 2006) The critical shortage of health care workers and weak health systems is the key bottleneck to scaling up access to AIDS treatment. While the needs of individual countries must be determined locally, experts estimate that sub-Saharan Africa needs at least 1 million new health workers to meet essential health needs. Sustained commitment and creative action are necessary to develop and support the health workforce needed to secure the right to health and achieve universal access to AIDS treatment by 2010, as well as other international health goals.

      We urge the President of the United States and Members of Congress to lead a global health workforce initiative in AIDS ravaged countries. The U.S. should:

      1. Invest significant new resources in a number of impoverished countries to recruit, train, support, and effectively utilize the number of health workers needed to achieve universal access to AIDS treatment for all in need by 2010 and universal access to primary health care by 2015, while supporting a new G8 initiative to assist additional countries. The U.S. should contribute 1/3 of the funds needed, approximately $650 million in 2007 and scaling up over ensuing years. The U.S. contributions should support national human resource plans within the context of comprehensive country health plans that improve health systems performance to achieve sustainable results. Funding should be predictable and long-term, flowing directly to the public sector and local NGO and faith-based care providers as appropriate. The U.S. should also support effective regional and global initiatives.

      The U.S. should invest in (a) long-term strategic planning; (b) strengthening and expanding capacity of health training institutions; (c) retaining health workers through adequate compensation, safe and improved work conditions, stronger supervision, continuing education, and care including AIDS treatment; (d) human resource and fiscal management; (e) equitable distribution including incentives to work in underserved areas; (f) re-deploying unemployed health workers.

      2. Cover costs to public health systems of implementing PEPFAR and other U.S. initiatives. U.S. agencies should support training and retention for at least the number of indigenous health workers necessary to meet program goals. Aggressive proactive measures must be adopted to avoid drawing from other local health priorities or programs.

      3. Launch a substantial community health worker initiative to train, compensate, and deploy community members, especially women and PLWHA, to provide basic care, treatment, prevention services, and referrals. Community health workers should have access to care, including AIDS treatment, and be offered a career pathway. The program should be integrated into primary health systems, and ensure adequate supervision, support, and ongoing training.

      4. Reduce brain drain by increasing the number of U.S. health professional graduates and improving U.S. health worker distribution. The U.S. government and professional health communities should expand training opportunities in the U.S., discourage active recruitment from poor nations, and work with developing and developed countries and international organizations to develop migration and recruitment policies that mutually benefit source and destination countries. Some experts estimate that the U.S. will need to increase the annual number of medical school graduates by at least 5,000 and of nursing graduates by at least 25,000 over the next 10-15 years.

      5. Create new possibilities for U.S. and diaspora health workers to serve abroad to help meet immediate care and treatment needs while providing training and support to strengthen health systems. The U.S. should develop programs in cooperation with local governments, prioritize strengthening local institutions, and support South-South exchanges.

      6. Convene and support country-level teams of all stakeholders to devise and implement coordinated plans to achieve universal access to health services. The U.S. should provide technical assistance and facilitate the country team's access to all necessary sources of external funding. Cross-sectoral country-level planning is necessary to promote national ownership, donor coordination, and cross-sectoral planning and harmonization.

      7. Contribute 1/3 of the predicted need of the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, for both the coming year and, gradually, a sum equivalent to an additional year to alleviate donor shortfalls and enable more ambitious applications. Health systems strengthening must be sustained as a category of GFATM financing.

      8. Reform IMF-supported spending and wage policies that limit national and donor investments in health and education. Barriers to access such as user-fees for health and education should be eliminated. The U.S. should provide funds to compensate for lost revenue and support increased utilization of services.

      9. Remove Congressional and agency limits to funding recurrent expenses, salaries, and sectorwide approaches, and allow flexibility to agencies seeking to strengthen health systems and scale-up access to care and prevention.

      The undersigned organizations and experts urge the President of the United States and Congress to adopt and implement this platform.

      Distinguished experts in the field of human resources for health
      Lincoln C. Chen, MD, WHO Special Envoy on Human Resources for Health,
      Director of the Global Equity Center at Harvard Kennedy School of Government

      Peter Mugyenyi, MD, Director, Joint Clinical Research Centre, Uganda

      Fitzhugh Mullan, MD, Murdock Head Professor of Medicine and Health Policy
      Department of Health Policy, George Washington University, School of Public Health and Health Services

      James Orbinski (Former International President of MSF-Médecins Sans Frontières)
      Research Scientist, Associate Professor, University of Toronto

      Josh Ruxin, Assistant Clinical Professor of Public Health, Center for Global Health and Economic Development,
      Mailman School of Public Health and The Earth Institute at Columbia University

      Gilbert Kombe, MD, MPH, Partnership for Health Reformplus Project,
      Abt Associates Inc.

      Robert S. Lawrence, MD, Edyth H. Schoenrich Professor of Preventive Medicine, Associate Dean for Professional Practice and Programs, Director, Center for a Livable Future, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health

      Dr. Nelson Sewankambo, Dean, Faculty of Medicine, Makerere University, Uganda

      Bhawani Shanker Kusum, NGO Delegate, PCB UNAIDS for Asia/Pacific

      Ezinna Enwereji, President Health and Environmental Research Society
      College of Medicine, Abia State University, Nigeria

      Donald Cephas Epaalat, Commonwealth Nurses Federation Board
      Member for East, Central and Southern Africa (Kenya)

      Deborah A. McFarland, PhD, MPH, Professor, Department of Global Health,
      Rollins School of Public Health of Emory University

      Christine C. Quinn, Speaker of New York City Council


      ACT UP New York, NY, USA
      ACT UP Paris, France
      ACT UP Philadelphia, PA, USA
      Action against Aids, Germany
      Action Group For Health, Human Rights and HIV/AIDS (AGHA), Uganda
      action medeor, Germany
      ActionAid International USA
      ActionAIDS, PA, USA
      Africa Action, USA
      Africa Faith and Justice Network, USA
      Africa Youth Leadership, Development and Health (AYLDH), Uganda/int’l
      African Council for Sustainable Health Development (ACOSHED), Int’l
      African Services Committee, NY, USA
      Agua Buena Human Rights Association, Costa Rica
      AID FOR AIDS, Int’l
      AIDS Action Baltimore, MD, USA
      AIDS and Rights Alliance for Southern Africa (ARASA), South Africa/Int’l
      AIDS Cell, Ibn Sina Academy, India
      AIDS Foundation of Chicago, IL, USA
      AIDS Law Project, South Africa
      AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition (AVAC), USA
      AIDSETI-AIDS Empowerment & Treatment Int’l
      AIDS-Hilfe Baden-Württemberg e.V., Germany
      Aktion Canchanabury e.V., Germany
      All-Ukraine PLWH Network, Ukraine
      American Academy of HIV Medicine, USA
      American Jewish World Service, USA
      American Medical Student Association (AMSA) USA
      AMSA Univ. of Pittsburgh School of Medicine Chapter, PA, USA
      Ärzte für die Dritte Welt/German Doctors for Developing Countries, Germany
      Asian Americans United, PA, USA
      Association of Nurses in AIDS Care, USA
      Association of Protestant Churches and Missions (EMW), Germany
      Atbalsta Grupa Inficétajiem HIV un AIDS Slimniekiem (AGIHAS), Latvia
      Beijing AIZHIXING Institute of Health Education, China
      Bienestar, CA, USA
      Brot für die Welt/Bread for the World, Germany
      BUKO Pharma-Kampagne, Germany
      Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, Canada
      Canadian Treatment Action Council (CTAC), Canada
      CARE USA
      Center for Policy Analysis on Trade and Health (CPATH), USA
      Church World Service, Int’l
      Comet Ltd, Malawi
      Community and Family Health Initiative, Abuja, Nigeria
      Community HIV/AIDS Mobilization Project (CHAMP), USA
      Deutsche Welthungerhilfe / German Agro Action, Germany
      Dignitas International, Canada
      East European & Central Asian Union of PLWH Organisations, Ukraine
      Ecumenical Pharmaceutical Network (EPN) Int’l
      Equinet Network for Equity in Health in east and southern Africa, Int’l
      Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, USA
      Foundation for Human Rights Initiative, Uganda
      Foundation for Integrative AIDS Research (FIAR), NY, USA
      Freedom Foundation-India, Centers of Excellence- Substance Abuse & HIV/AIDS, India
      Ghana AIDS Treatment Access Group (GATAG), Ghana
      Global AIDS Alliance, USA
      Global Equity Gauge Alliance (GEGA) Int’l
      Global Health Council, USA
      GMHC Gay Men's Health Crisis, NY, USA
      Gram Bharati Samiti (GBS), India
      Grupo de Trabajo sobre Tratamientos del VIH (gTt), Spain
      Harambee Africa Int’l
      Harm Reduction Coalition, NY, USA
      Health Alliance International, Int’l
      Health and Development Networks (Ireland/Thailand), Int’l
      Health Equity Project, USA
      Health GAP (Global Access Project), USA
      Health Systems Trust, South Africa
      Healthpartners, Kenya
      Helpless Rehabilitation Society (HRS), Nepal
      Inova Hospital Juniper Program, VA, USA
      Institute for the Study of Civic Values, PA, USA
      International AIDS Empowerment, TX USA
      International Community for the Relief of Starvation and Suffering (ICROSS), Int’l -- Kenya, Ireland and Canada offices
      International Women's Health Coalition, Int’l
      Intersect Worldwide, Int'l
      IP-Left, South Korea
      Joint Clinical Research Centre, Uganda
      KAIPPG International, USA
      Katholische Arbeitnehmer-Bewegung Deutschlands (KAB), Germany
      Kenya AIDS Intervention Prevention Program Group (KAIPPG), Kenya
      Kenya AIDS NGOs Consortium (KANCO), Kenya
      Kiota Women's Development Organization (KIWOHEDE), Tanzania
      Mashiah Foundation, Nigeria
      McGill Global AIDS Coalition, Canada
      Medilinks, USA
      MesoAmerica Health Assistance Project of California, Inc (MAHAPCA), CA, USA
      Mother Africa and Child Care Organisation (MACCO), Ghana
      National AIDS Fund, USA
      National Association of People With AIDS (NAPWA) USA
      National Minority AIDS Council (NMAC) USA
      National Nurses Association of Kenya (NNAK), Kenya
      National Women's Lobby and Rights Group (NWLRG), Malawi
      Neusser-Eine-Welt-Initiative e.V. (NEWI), Germany
      New Mexico POZ Coalition, NM, USA
      Pangaea Global AIDS Foundation, Int’l
      PathWaysPA, PA, USA
      Philadelphia Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW), PA, USA
      Physicians for Human Rights, USA
      Positive Malaysian Treatment Access & Advocacy Group (MTAAG+), Malaysia
      Positive Malaysian Treatment Access and Advocacy Group (MTAAG+), Malaysia.
      Preventive Healthcare Initiative, Nigeria
      Progressive Organization of Gays in the Philippines
      Public Health Impact Research Centre, Nigeria
      Public Services International (PSI), Int’l
      Resources Aimed at the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (RAPCAN), South Africa
      San Francisco AIDS Foundation, CA, USA
      Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet, St. Louis Province, USA
      Sisters of the Holy Cross - Congregation Justice Committee, IN. USA
      Solidarité Sida, France
      St. Joseph's Matale Youth Organisation (MAYO), Uganda
      Street Works, TN, USA
      Student Campaign for Child Survival, USA
      Student Christian Movement of Great Britain, UK
      Student Global AIDS Campaign, USA
      Student Stop AIDS Campaign, UK
      Students Against Global AIDS (SAGA), Canada
      Students For Equity In Healthcare (SEHC), Makerere Medical School, Uganda
      Students for Equity in Healthcare, Makerere University Medical School, Uganda
      Students Partnership Worldwide (SPW), Int’l
      Thai AIDS Treatment Action Group (TTAG), Thailand
      The AIDS Institute, USA
      The AIDS Support Organization (TASO), Uganda
      Title II Community AIDS National Network, USA
      Treatment Action Campaign, South Africa
      Treatment Action Group, USA
      Uganda CARES
      Ukimwi Orphans Assistance, USA
      United Methodist Church, General Board of Church & Society, USA
      University Coalitions for Global Health, USA
      Vital Hope Support Group, Zimbabwe
      VSO (Voluntary Service Overseas) UK
      Who's Positive, PA, USA
      World AIDS Campaign, Int’l
      Zimbabwe Activists on HIV and AIDS (ZAHA), Zimbabwe

      Chad: Worries about AIDS funding crunch after World Bank spat


      Chad's fight against AIDS is set to be one of the main victims if a standoff between the government and the World Bank drags on, senior UN officials have warned. The World Bank recently suspended all its loans to the impoverished landlocked country because of a decision by President Idriss Deby to tamper with an agreement governing how revenues from its fledgling oil project can be spent.

      Global: Access to sexual and reproductive health services key to MDGs


      This fact sheet looks at the relationship between access to sexual and reproductive health services and five of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The authors argue that poor reproductive health is hindering countries' efforts to achieve the MDGs and that access to reproductive health services influences global security by helping to hasten the demographic transition.

      Nigeria: First African case of bird flu in Northern Nigeria


      An outbreak of the deadly avian flu has been confirmed in Nigeria, wiping out in one fell swoop over 46,000 poultry at a farm at Jaji, Kaduna, reports the Vanguard newspaper. The bird flu is caused by avian influenza viruses, which occur naturally among birds. The virus in humans results in serious illness that spreads easily  from person to person. Apart from the Sambawa Farms, some farms in Kano and Plateau States have also been quarantined by government for pathological tests in  search of a possible infection.

      South Africa: Blood policy using race as a risk factor, says study


      A South African policy that was in effect from 1999 to 2005 that used race as a donor-selection factor for donated blood significantly reduced levels of HIV-tainted blood in the national supply, according to a study published Feb. 1 in the Journal of the American Medical Association, the AP/Washington Post reports.

      Sudan: Hundreds in need of help as diarrhoea kills 12 in Yei


      At least 12 people, two of them children, have died from an outbreak of acute watery diarrhoea in the southern Sudanese town of Yei, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) has said. The outbreak, UNICEF said in a statement, was first reported on 4 February when three deaths occurred and 48 patients were admitted to local health facilities. The disease has left hundreds of people needing medical attention - about half of them children.

      Sudan: Hundreds in need of help as diarrhoea kills 12 in Yei


      At least 12 people, two of them children, have died from an outbreak of acute watery diarrhoea in the southern Sudanese town of Yei, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) has said. The outbreak, UNICEF said in a statement on Monday, was first reported on 4 February when three deaths occurred and 48 patients were admitted to local health facilities.

      Uganda now goes for Coartem as first line of Malaria treatment


      Uganda's ministry of Health will in the first quarter of this year launch Coartem, a new drug for the treatment of malaria. The ministry realised that the efficacy of the current drugs in use was below the standards set by the World Health Organisation (WHO). The government has obtained financial assistance of $64 million for the next two years from the Global Fund for HIV/Aids, Malaria and Tuberculosis to purchase the drug following failure in the current treatment regimes.

      Uganda: A palliative care model for Africa


      In Uganda a palliative care service has been successfully implemented in three districts with outreach to other parts of the country. The key to its success is that service is centered on the patient and focused on the quality of care rather than quantity. Hospice Africa Uganda's (HAU) palliative care service started in Kampala in 1993 with funds for a team of three over three months. The Government also allowed the importation of low cost powdered oral morphine.

      Uganda: New committment needed in Aids fight


      Uganda must make greater strides toward stemming the spread of HIV/AIDS in the country, AIDS Commission Director General David Kihumuro Apuuli said Monday when releasing Uganda's 2005 HIV/AIDS status survey, Uganda's New Vision reports. Apuuli, speaking at the fourth Annual Partnership Forum outside the capital city of Kampala, said the report shows that transmission rates are shifting from the youth to Ugandan adults ages 30 to 40, with current prevalence rates in that age group at 6.4%.


      Africa: Boost for chemistry as new federation forms


      An organisation promoting collaboration between African chemists will be launched on 23 February in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. The Federation of African Societies of Chemistry will create a network of African chemists to encourage cooperation and help disseminate research results. It also aims to improve chemistry teaching, and raise public understanding of chemistry and its role in economic development. The federation's activities will include publishing a newsletter and organising workshops and scientific meetings, reports

      Africa: Consortium for monitoring the quality of education


      The Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring the Quality of Education (SACMEQ) started ten years ago as an experimental research project of the UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP). Today, it has grown into a respected inter-governmental agency that designs and implements research and training programmes across 14 counties reports the latest edition of IIEP's newsletter.

      Egypt: Offer to host 500 African undergraduates


      Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak has unveiled plans to provide 500 university scholarships for students from other African nations over the next ten years. Foreign minister Ahmed Abul Gheit made the announcement on Mubarak's behalf at last week's African Union (AU) summit in Sudan. "The development of African societies should be based on an advanced and strong infrastructure of education, culture and scientific research systems in order to bridge the digital and scientific gaps [that are] steadily increasing between developing and developed countries," said the statement.

      Eritrea: Teachers to get interactive pedagogy training


      UNESCO is supporting an innovative teacher training initiative that is expected to improve the quality of instruction and learning in schools across Eritrea by training teachers on learner-centred interactive pedagogy. Teachers will learn new methodologies and how to apply them in classroom settings, even where class sizes are large.

      Global: Education for nomadic and pastoralist girls and boys


      This paper illustrates the challenges involved in providing good-quality gender-equitable education for children of nomadic and pastoralist households who are beyond the reach of mainstream, formal education. Some of the key issues highlighted in the paper include the limited, and failed, provision of static schooling, or projects which have focused on getting nomadic boys and girls to adapt to the formal system.

      Kenya: Free primary education having negative impact on early childhood development


      Free Primary Education was introduced in Kenya in 2003, enabling 1.3 million poor children to obtain schooling for the first time. However, a UNESCO/OECD Early Childhood Policy Review Mission noted that the policy had a negative impact on early childhood development centres serving poor children. The main reason for this phenomenon is that poor parents are now keeping their children at home until they reach the age of primary school. They refuse to pay for early childhood education on the grounds that this, like primary education, should also be free.

      South Africa: Crisis at the University of KwaZulu Natal


      “In most countries, university communities can be viewed as social barometers: academics and students can respond more freely and idealistically to external events than can people in the outside world whose lives are more constrained. Thus, during the apartheid years, universities were in the vanguard of change, being centres of political protest and seeking ways of throwing off the yoke of oppression,” says this commentary about the current staff crisis at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. “The fact is,” the commentary goes on to say, “that at the University of KwaZulu-Natal at least, academic freedom appears to be shrinking rather than growing, and oppression is believed to have returned with a vengeance - the grim irony being that this now appears to be coming, not from outside, but from within the institution itself.”

      South Africa: School fees costing many an education


      South African families say school fees often are unaffordable and are robbing their children of an education, even though national laws there expressly guarantee free schooling for impoverished youths. UNICEF, the World Bank and other rights groups are encouraging officials there and in other African countries to provide universal free education, denied most frequently to girls.

      Tanzania: Zanzibar parliament endorses new education policy


      Members of the House of Representatives of the Tanzanian island of Zanzibar have endorsed a new education policy intended to make major reforms, including allowing students who fall pregnant to resume their studies after giving birth. For more than 20 years, pregnant Zanzibari girls were forced to leave school permanently. Until the repeal of a law in 2005, they could even be imprisoned.

      Racism & xenophobia

      Russia: African killed in street attack


      A man from Mali was stabbed to death early Sunday (February 5), the head of an organization for Africans in the city said. Aliu Tunkara, president of African Unity in St. Petersburg, said the victim had graduated from a medical school in St. Petersburg nine years ago but was jobless and had been living on the street. Tunkara said police told him the man was found dead, but the RIA-Novosti news agency, also citing police, said he died in an ambulance on the way to a hospital. St. Petersburg has seen numerous racially motivated attacks in recent months. A student from Cameroon was stabbed to death in St. Petersburg in December, and a Congolese student was killed in the city in September.


      Africa: 'Biopiracy' debate heats up


      The debate is intensifying over how local communities should share the benefits of research based on Africa's biodiversity while protecting the intellectual property rights of the researchers involved. As the UN Convention on Biological Diversity meets in Spain this week (February 2) for international negotiations on this and other issues, some environmental groups say it should declare a moratorium on foreign researchers using biological resources until it can sort out rules on how benefits can be shared fairly, according to SciDev.

      Africa: SADC hopeful to obtain hydropower plant


      Several countries in the Southern African region, have jointly initiated a massive hydropower plant, that will have the capacity and potential to generate power for the entire African continent, with the possible exportation of the surplus to Europe. The Inga project estimated to cost $7bn is aimed at addressing the looming energy shortages in the region, but it will also bring huge socio-economic benefits, to the five countries involved.

      Ghana: World Bank unit OKs mine investment


      The International Finance Corporation, the World Bank's private-sector lending arm, on Tuesday (January 31) approved $125 million in loans for gold major Newmont Mining Corp.'s Ahafo project in Ghana, but not all countries on the IFC's 24-member board agreed it was a good move, reports Reuters. Board officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said three countries abstained and one objected during discussions on the project, amid concerns about the environmental impact and resettlement of families that were living on the mine's site.

      Kenya: New report warns of water catastrophe


      Kenya's Ministry of Water and Irrigation has warned of a severe water shortage in the region unless the existing sources are protected. In a report entitled "The Draft National Water Resources Management Strategy, 2005-2007," the ministry gives a damning indictment of the management of Kenya's natural environment and its accompanying water resources over the past 30 years.

      South Africa: Damned from the start


      Different arms of the government are at one another's throats over a proposed 21-storey dam on a major river that passes through the Kruger National Park and feeds Mozambique. South African National Parks (SANParks) has threatened legal action against its principal, the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, and the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry, according to the Mail and Guardian.

      South Africa: GM debate fought on cotton fields of KZN


      Taking a break from spraying his neat, one-hectare plot of young cotton plants with herbicide, Moses Mabika surveys the land that has been supporting his family for 45 years. He may not realise it, but he is standing at the epicenter of a heated debate about growing genetically modified (GM) crops in Africa. Mabika is among more than 2,000 smallholder farmers in this semi-arid area of northeastern KwaZulu-Natal province known as Makhathini Flats, who began growing GM cotton in 1999.

      Tanzania: Drought leaves country short on juice


      Tanzania has been forced to introduce daytime power cuts because a drought has severely reduced the amount of electricity being supplied to the national grid, the country's energy minister said on Thursday (February 2). The water level at the Mtera dam has fallen so low that hydroelectric power can no longer be generated there, the Minister for Energy and Natural Resources, Ibrahim Msabah, announced. Other power stations are producing well below capacity. "From this situation we have been obliged to start limited load sharing in the whole of the country for at least eight hours," Msabah said.

      Tanzania: Move to save forests angers loggers


      Some 26 logging firms in East Africa say they stand to lose more than $ 4.6 million as well as their markets in Europe, Asia and America, following the Tanzania government's decision to ban exports of logs and sandalwood. It is estimated that the country loses between 130,000 hectares and 500,000 hectares of forest a year. Of that, 91,000 hectares are illegally felled. Human activities, population growth and poverty also reduce forest coverage by hundreds of thousands of hectares every year.

      Uganda: Drought-hit Lake Victoria takes toll on fish


      Five years ago when Lake Victoria water levels started to fall, nobody thought it would turn out into a national crisis. Even as the fishermen, whose livelihood is wholly dependent on the water, raised an alarm, few expected the current outcry on power outages, rationed water supply and international environmental crisis threatening the livelihoods of over 30 million people.

      Land & land rights

      South Africa: Government to speed up farmland purchase


      South Africa is to press ahead with the compulsory purchase of land from white farmers, a senior official has said. The move is intended to speed up the restoration of ancestral property to those who lost it under apartheid. The government previously bought land at market rates for redistribution, but has been criticised for being too slow in its efforts to redistribute land. Compulsory purchase will now come into effect in cases where the government and the seller cannot agree on a price.

      Media & freedom of expression

      DRC: Newspaper director incarcerated for 10 days in Kinshasa


      Jean-Louis Ngalamulume, editor-in-chief of the Kinshasa-based newspaper "L'Eclaireur", has been imprisoned at the capital city's Penitentiary and Reeducation Centre (Centre pénitentiaire et de rééducation de Kinshasa, CPRK) since 31 January 2006. The journalist stands accused of "public injury" towards Denis Kisalambote, a land holder in Mount Amba (located on the east side of the city). The journalist was stopped on 27 January at approximately 2:00 p.m. (local time) by M. Kinuani, an officer of the judicial police force, who then drove him to the Kin-Mazière police station. In a verbal hearing, Ngalamulume was questioned regarding an article that appeared in the 11 January edition of his newspaper (issue 56), within which M. Kisalambote was described as being "incompetent" and "tribalist".

      Global: Citizen journalism tends to be shallow and middle-class


      Johncom’s new website — — highlights the potential and limitations of the new craze for citizen journalism, begins this column posted on and written by journalism professor Anton Harber. "Think of the potential problems. How do you verify stories e-mailed into you? How do you prevent commercial interests from placing their public relations material? Or planting stories for fun or to harm their competition?"

      Sierra Leone: Prosecutor won't pursue manslaughter charge in journalist's death


      Sierra Leone's attorney general has confirmed that he will not pursue charges of manslaughter against a member of parliament and two others accused of assaulting journalist Harry Yansaneh in May 2005. At the time, Yansaneh was acting editor of the private newspaper For Di People. A judicial inquest found that the attack contributed to Yansaneh's death from kidney failure more than two months later.

      South Africa: Newspaper group apologises for causing offence to Muslims


      Independent Newspapers has offered to publish an apology for any offence a weekend article might have caused to Muslims, already in an uproar about a Danish-penned cartoon lampooning the Prophet Muhammad, according to a report on and as reported on Chris Whitfield, editor of the Cape Times and a member of an Independent Group newspaper delegation, said: "(The) decision to apologise by Cape Argus was an acknowledgement of an error in judgement." The delegation met the Muslim Judicial Council on Tuesday.

      Zimbabwe: Taxi tunes


      Produced by Radio Dialogue, Taxi Tunes is a series of radio cassettes aimed at educating the people of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe on various issues that affect them, including health, sexuality, environmental responsibility, and governance issues. Through distribution to drivers of kombis (taxis), Taxi Tunes are designed to prompt changes in attitudes among Zimbabweans, particularly young people.

      News from the diaspora

      Haiti: People defy fears, chaos in vote for democracy


      Haitians put aside fears of violence and voted by candlelight into the night on Tuesday (February 7) in the first presidential election since Jean-Bertrand Aristide was toppled two years ago. Three people died, including a policeman lynched by a mob, and voting began more than three hours late in many areas, infuriating poor supporters of former President Rene Preval, a one-time Aristide ally favored to win. But with U.N. peacekeepers keeping watch, polling stations stayed open several hours after the official 4 p.m. (2100 GMT) closing time so everyone still in line could vote.

      Conflict & emergencies

      Africa: McNamara, arms sales must end


      Halting arms sales to Africa would help address the continent's poverty more than charity or debt relief, said Dennis McNamara, special United Nations adviser on internal displacement. Gun imports from the West facilitate African conflicts that foster homelessness and expose Africans to war crimes, hunger, disease and rape, McNamara said.

      Côte d'Ivoire: UN SC authorizes transfer of UN troops from Liberia


      Expressing “serious concern” at the volatile situation in Côte d’Ivoire, where United Nations offices were looted and destroyed last month, the Security Council today (February 6) authorised extra troops to boost the strength of the UN peacekeeping mission in the West African nation. Reacting to Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s calls last week for more military personnel, the Council unanimously agreed to a temporary redeployment of troops from the UN mission in Liberia (UNMIL), but the numbers fell short of Mr. Annan’s request for an infantry battalion and a police unit.

      Darfur: US faces moment of truth


      The Bush Administration will face a unique opportunity in February to end the genocide in Darfur when the United States takes over the presidency of the United Nations (UN) Security Council. With this responsibility comes a chance to take an action that can save hundreds of thousands of lives and restore security to western Sudan. As the situation in Darfur continues to deteriorate, the US leadership at the UN next month can achieve protection for the people of Darfur and affirm a commitment to stopping this first genocide of the 21st century.

      East Africa: Millions facing critical food shortages


      An estimated 11 million people in East and the Horn of Africa continue to face critical food shortages brought on by drought and non-natural factors, the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) has said. "African agriculture appears to be in crisis, and the compounding effect of years of wars, uprising or coups, and civil strife are responsible for causing more hunger than the range of natural problems alone," according to the agency's latest bulletin.
      Related Link:
      * Africa's food crisis - a systemic crisis

      Global: Cartoon crisis - sowing the wind and reaping the whirlwind


      Last week, the growing turbulence in the Middle East came to a head as protests erupted over the publication of some cartoons picturing a caricature of the prophet Mohammed. The protests soon spread around the world. "It would be tempting to look for an explanation to these events in a single issue, in this case the publication of a drawing showing Mohammed wearing a turban shaped as a bomb or portraying him holding a sword, his eyes covered by a black rectangle. We should note, however, that the riots erupted five months after the actual publication in a Danish right wing newspaper which printed twelve caricatures of Mohammed back in September last year," notes this commentary posted on the website of the Centre for Civil Society at the university of KwaZulu-Natal.
      Related Links
      * Niger: Thousands protest caricature of Prophet Muhammad
      * Somalia: Violent protests against Prophet Muhammad cartoons

      Kenya: Drought 'worsens conflict'


      The drought in northern Kenya is increasing conflict between the area's nomadic groups, as they travel further to find scarce pasture, according to a development organization. "It's not just the food crisis that is claiming lives," said Oxfam Kenya head Gezahegn Kebede, warning of further deadly clashes unless more aid arrives. The nomadic groups of northern Kenya, southern Ethiopia, parts of Sudan and Somalia have a history of fighting over livestock and pasture but Oxfam says the drought is increasing tensions.

      Sierra Leone: Special court prosecutor welcomes decison to try Taylor


      Special Court Prosecutor Desmond de Silva QC has welcomed a resolution adopted unanimously by Sierra Leone’s Parliament on Wednesday urging the trial of former Liberian President Charles Taylor.


      Freetown, 9 February 2006

      Prosecutor Welcomes Sierra Leone Parliamentary Resolution Supporting Taylor’s Trial at the Special Court

      Special Court Prosecutor Desmond de Silva QC has welcomed a resolution adopted unanimously by Sierra Leone’s Parliament on Wednesday urging the trial of former Liberian President Charles Taylor.

      In proposing the Private Members Motion, Hon. Dr. Princess Baba Jigida (Freetown West-East), called for “the temporary asylum of Charles Taylor” to come to an end.

      “In my frequent outreach meetings with ordinary people around the country, the question I am asked most frequently is when Charles Taylor will face justice before the Special Court,” Mr. de Silva said. “This resolution clearly reflects the will of the people of Sierra Leone."

      “With its unanimous adoption yesterday, it is clear that it reflects the will of their elected representatives as well.”

      Hon. Dauda Kamara (Kambia District) also spoke to the motion, and called for support for the Court to complete “its vital work”.

      “We all know that external factors and actors exacerbated the internal conflict in Sierra Leone,” Hon. Kamara said. “Therefore it is vital for us that Charles Taylor is brought to the Court for it to be documented the role that was played by others, as well as by himself.”

      Said Mr. de Silva: “As Hon. Dr. Princess Baba Jigida stated yesterday in Parliament, the whole world is now speaking with one voice. The Sierra Leone Parliament has now added its own voice.”

      “Nigeria cannot ignore the growing consensus, both here and internationally, that Mr Taylor’s temporary asylum must be brought to an end,” Mr. de Silva said. “He must answer before the Special Court for what he has done to the people of this country and this region.”


      Produced by the
      Office of the Prosecutor
      Special Court for Sierra Leone
      Email: [email protected]

      Visit the Special Court’s website at




      That this Honourable House congratulate the United Nations through the Secretary-General, Dr. Kofi Annan, Esq., on the occasion of the attainment of sixty years of existence recognising their role in:

      i. The independence of African nations
      ii. Peacekeeping in various troubled war areas of the world
      iii. The MDGs with focus on poverty reduction
      iv. The establishment of a “Special War Tribunal Court” in Sierra Leone

      and attached to which appreciation is our well-considered request that the Republic of Liberia’s former President, Charles Taylor, be tried, and in absentia in the event that he fails to appear in court in person.

      Sudan: New attacks in Chad documented


      Militias based in Darfur are launching cross-border raids on villages in Chad on an almost daily basis, killing civilians, burning villages, and stealing cattle in a pattern of attacks that show signs of ethnic bias, according to Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Watch researchers documented numerous cross-border attacks on Chadian villages along the border between Adré, Adé, and Modoyna in eastern Chad since early December 2005. Most of the attacks were by Sudanese and Chadian militiamen from Darfur, some with apparent Sudanese government backing, including helicopter gunship support.

      Sudan: The decades-long scramble for Southern Sudan's oil riches


      Exploration and development of oil resources in Sudan has all along been controversial. International human rights organisations have accused the Sudanese government of financing human rights abuses with oil revenues, including the mass displacement of civilians near the oil fields. Oil exploration in Sudan began in the late 1950s and was originally concentrated on the Red Sea continental shelf.

      Internet & technology

      Africa: Google picks Shuttleworth's Ubuntu


      Software developed by a company founded by South African billionaire Mark Shuttleworth has been installed by Google, the world's most-used search engine. Despite such a prominent endorsement, Shuttleworth will not be making any money: the software is free to use. Since selling his internet company to Verisign for US$575m in 2000, Shuttleworth has become a champion of open source, the free-to-use, free-to-alter software that challenges costly brand-name products.

      Africa: Wireless networks for Africa


      Wireless networking holds huge potential for developing nations to overcome their communication infrastructure challenges. But, without access to good information, building reliable wireless networks in often hostile conditions and without resources can be all but impossible. Now a new, free manual focused on assisting developing-nation wireless practitioners hopes to overcome some of these challenges and limitations.

      West Africa: Sonatel and Gamtel heading towards 'Triple-play implementation'


      Faced with impending competition, both Senegal and Gambia's incumbents are preparing the ground for "triple-play" (voice, Internet and "television") services. The sceptics will wonder whether "triple-play" in Gambia is not simply some far-fetched strategic "pipe-dream". But it has a stronger logic than might at first appear to be the case.

      eNewsletters & mailing lists

      Global: CRIN launches new website


      The Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) has launched its new website. The website has been redesigned to offer more features and interactive tools, with easy navigation, highlighting latest information added to the site, and using new technology, such as RSS feeds. You can subscribe to our email lists or CRINMAIL on the website and browse for past issues here:

      Global: International Aid Report


      International Aid Report will become your first port of call when you need a comprehensive analysis of trends and key developments in this sector. Articles on a wide range of themes will give you an informal, critical and challenging perspective on the key issues affecting donors, implementers and recipients of aid. Bilateral / Multilateral donors and private foundations will use it to help set priorities and guidelines for their funding decisions. NGO's will stay aware of where donors are spending their money and any shifts in spending patterns. This will help to not only secure funding but also to understand the changing priorities of donor funding.

      Fundraising & useful resources

      Africa: Capacity building for the forum for agricultural research in Africa (FARA)


      This project is designed to support the growth of an organisation that uses communication and advocacy approaches to act as a liaison between international agricultural research organisations, such as the Global Forum for Agricultural Research, and African national and sub-regional organisations. FARA, that is, plays a role as a catalyst in bringing together the various stakeholders (research institutions, research systems, non-governmental organisations, donors, farmers, and private firms) and encouraging them to negotiate and cooperate on agricultural research issues of mutual interest.

      East Africa: Fellowship Announcement and Call for Proposals - 2nd Round of G&D-Rockefeller Fellowships


      The CGIAR Gender & Diversity Program (G&D) is pleased to invite applications from qualified women scientists in East Africa for a two-year fellowship. With generous support from The Rockefeller Foundation, these fellowships are open to women scientists from national agricultural research institutes (NARIs) and universities in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania working in crop sciences. The overall goal is to increase women's skills, visibility and contributions to science and development.

      Fellowship Announcement and Call for Proposals: 2nd Round of
      G&D-Rockefeller Fellowships
      Eligiblity: Applicants must have an MSc or above
      Deadline: 28 February 2006

      The CGIAR Gender & Diversity Program (G&D) is pleased to invite
      applications from qualified women scientists in East Africa for a
      two-year fellowship.

      With generous support from The Rockefeller Foundation, these
      fellowships are open to women scientists from national agricultural
      research institutes (NARIs) and universities in Kenya, Uganda and
      Tanzania working in crop sciences. The overall goal is to increase
      women's skills, visibility and contributions to science and

      For more details on the Fellowship, see:

      Global: Cutting edge packs on gender issues


      Written and produced in collaboration with partners, Cutting Edge Packs from Bridge provide accessible overviews of the latest thinking on a gender theme and summaries of the most useful resources. Each pack includes an Overview Report, a Supporting Resources Collection and a copy of Gender and Development In Brief.

      Global: Fellowship – Special Youth Program



      UNFPA is currently receiving applications for its Special Youth Programme for 2006. This programme seeks to recruit young people aged 20-24 from developing countries with some programme experience in development issues to join UNFPA for a 9-month remunerated fellowship.

      Global: Funders Network on Trade and Globalization


      The mission of the Funders Network on Trade and Globalization is to support foundations and other members of the funding community in their efforts to promote global relations, policies and institutions that foster environmentally sustainable, human-centered and just economic development in the US and around the world. FNTG is for grantmakers who care about human rights, democracy, peace, social justice, and environmental sustainability.

      Global: Toolkit for researchers and practitioners who wish to communicate to policymakers


      The tools in this kit are specifically geared towards the needs of researchers and practitioners in civil society organisations (CSOs), including development NGOs, research institutes, think tanks, universities and networks. The toolkit addresses the questions of how researchers and CSOs can best communicate evidence in order to inform or influence policy, to achieve their own stated development objectives, or simply to make their own knowledge accessible and understandable to a wider audience.

      Courses, seminars, & workshops

      Senegal: Codesria democratic governance institute

      Call for Applications for the 2006 Session


      The CODESRIA Democratic Governance Institute is an interdisciplinary forum which brings together African scholars working on topics related to the broad theme of governance. The aim of the Institute is to promote research and debates on issues connected to the conduct of public affairs and the management of the general development process in Africa. The Institute was launched in 1992 and has been held every year since then in broad collaboration with the Cheikh Anta DiopUniversity, Dakar, Senegal.


      Theme: The Legislature in Africa’s Democratic Transition

      Call for Applications for the 2006 Session

      The CODESRIA Democratic Governance Institute is an interdisciplinary forum which brings together African scholars working on topics related to the broad theme of governance. The aim of the Institute is to promote research and debates on issues connected to the conduct of public affairs and the management of the general development process in Africa. The Institute was launched in 1992 and has been held every year since then in broad collaboration with the Cheikh Anta DiopUniversity, Dakar, Senegal. It is serves the critical function of forging links among a younger generation of African intellectuals and meeting the scientific needs of these intellectuals in terms of access to recent documentation, participation in current debates, the retooling of their research capacities, and the updating of their conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches. Increasingly, the Institute appeals to the interests of African policy intellectuals and civil society activists, thereby permitting a judicious mix of researchers, activists, and policy makers to be achieved in the admission of participants. In general, a total of fifteen African researchers drawn from across the continent and the Diaspora, and a few non-African scholars participate in the Institute each year.


      The main objectives of the Governance Institute are to:

      q encourage the sharing of experiences among researchers, activists and policy makers from different disciplines, methodological and conceptual orientations, and geographical experiences on a common theme over an extended period of time;

      q promote and enhance a culture of democratic values that allows Africans effectively to identify and tackle the governance issues confronting their continent; and

      q foster the participation of scholars in discussions and debates about the processes of democratisation taking place inAfrica.

      The activities of all CODESRIA institutes centre on presentations made by resident researchers, visiting resource persons, and the participants whose applications for admission as laureates are successful. The sessions are led by a scientific director who, with the help of invited resource persons, ensures that the laureates are exposed to the range of research and policy issues generated by or arising from the theme of the Institute for which they are responsible. Open discussions drawing on books and articles relevant to the theme of a particular institute or a specific topic within the theme are also encouraged. Each of the laureates selected to participate in any of the Council’s institutes is required to prepare a research paper to be presented during the course of the particular institute they attend. Laureates are expected to draw on the insights which they gain from the Institute in which they participate to produce a revised version of their research papers for consideration for publication by CODESRIA. For each institute, the CODESRIA Documentation and Information Centre (CODICE) prepares a comprehensive bibliography on the theme of the year. Access is also facilitated to a number of documentation centres in and around Dakar.

      The 2006 Session: The Legislature in Africa’s Democratic Transition

      The wave of popular pressures for political reform that spread across Africa in the period stretching from the late 1980s to the mid-1990s culminated in the restoration of electoral pluralism in most of the countries of the continent. This development went hand-in-hand with the adoption of constitutional frames that, nominally at least, guaranteed an important role in governance to the legislative arm of government. The particular form, content and scope which legislative power and mandate took differed from country to country, as did the structuring of its relations with the executive and judicial arms of government. However, in every African country, as democratic forms of politics were re-introduced on the back of the collapse of military and single party rule, there was a strong accent placed, formally at least, on the role of the legislature in the building and consolidation of democracy. Implicit in this was the position, broadly, shared, that the legislature is the embodiment of the sovereignty of the people. In this role, it was expected not only to make laws for the welfare of the generality of the populace but also to serve both as a democratically-empowered agency of restraint on the executive arm of government and a forum for the mobilisation of popular participation in the broad governmental process. Needless to say, the robustness with which it could carry out its functions was always going to be a function of its ability to maintain a degree of internal coherence, relative autonomy vis-à-vis the executive arm, and proximity to the pulse of the electorate. Also important is the extent to which the legislature is itself representative as an institution that captures the diversities of society.

      Ordinarily, the important role assigned to the legislature in the renewed quest for democratic governance in Africa, and the high hopes of the populace in the office of the elected representative are issues which should be considered a routine part of democratic politics. However, in the context of Africa, they carried an added significance deriving from the fact that the legislative arm of government was perhaps the biggest loser from the decades of military and single party rule that pervadedAfrica from the second half of the 1960s to the mid-1990s. All over the continent, as political authoritarianism took hold, the legislature was either proscribed outrightly or completely subordinated to the executive arm of government; legislative politics came to be severely underdeveloped in every sense. It is in part because of this underdevelopment that many (donor) initiatives were introduced in the period from the 1990s onwards to “build the capacity” of parliament in different parts ofAfrica. And without doubt, there were, indeed, technical capacities in need of being developed. But clearly, the issues arising from the weaknesses of the legislature are not simply or only technical in nature; in fact, they are mainly – and perhaps overwhelmingly political in nature. These problems have manifested themselves in a variety of ways, including through the struggles for relative autonomy from the executive, tensions arising from the tendency towards presidentialism in Africa’s new democracies, the instability and fragmentation of political parties, the poor structuring of the relationship between elected legislators and party bosses, the easy vulnerability of electoral systems to various kinds of manipulation, the frequent resort by the executive to a “security” cover for riding roughshod over parliament, the under-funding of parliament and poor harnessing of the funds available for deepening the foundations of democratic politics, the erosion of the domestic policy environment by donor conditionality, etc. In many ways, the institutional experiences of the legislature in the contemporary quest for democratic renewal both mirrors and summarises the entire record of the politics of the democratic process itself.

      Through the 2006 Governance Institute, the Council proposes to focus scholarly attention on parliament both as an institutional expression of and an arena in Africa’s quest for democratic governance. Prospective participants will be encouraged to review existing debates on the role and place of the legislative arm of government in contemporary African politics, produce fresh empirical and analytic insights, engage in a comparative analysis of their findings and reflect on the challenges posed by their own work to inherited/dominant conceptual frames. The legislature as an arena of debate is a minefield of information on the different political trends, tendencies and struggles of the day in any country; laureates of the 2006 Governance institute will be encouraged to read the politics of democratisation in contemporary Africa as seen through the lenses of parliament. But they will also be challenged to identify the silences that may be in evidence in the legislative debates that occur.

      The Director

      For every session of its various institutes, CODESRIA appoints an external scholar with a proven track-record of quality work to provide intellectual leadership. Directors are senior scholars known for their expertise in the topic of the year and for the originality of their thinking on it. They are recruited on the basis of a proposal which they submit and which contains a detailed course outline covering methodological issues and approaches; the key concepts integral to an understanding of the object of a particular Institute and the specific theme that will be focused upon; a thorough review of the state of the literature designed to expose laureates to different theoretical and empirical currents; a presentation on various sub-themes, case-studies and comparative examples relevant to the theme of the particular Institute they are applying to lead; and possible policy questions that are worth keeping in mind during the entire research process. Candidates for the position of Director should also note that if their application is successful, they will be asked to:

      - participate in the selection of laureates;

      - identify resource-persons to help lead discussions and debates;

      - design the course for the session, including the specification of sub-themes;

      - deliver a set of lectures and provide a critique of the papers presented by the resource persons and the laureates;

      - submit a written scientific report on the session.

      In addition, the Director is expected to (co-)edit the revised versions of the papers presented by the resource persons with a view to submitting them for publication in one of CODESRIA’s collections. The Director also assists CODESRIA in assessing the papers presented by laureates for publication as a special issue of Africa Development or as monographs.

      Resource Persons

      Lectures to be delivered at the Institute are intended to offer laureates an opportunity to advance their reflections on the theme of the programme and on their own research topics. Resource Persons are, therefore, senior scholars or scholars in their mid-career who have published extensively on the topic, and who have a significant contribution to make to the debates on it. They will be expected to produce lecture materials which serve as think pieces that stimulate laureates to engage in discussion and debate around the lectures and the general body of literature available on the theme.

      One selected, resource persons must:

      - submit a copy of their lectures for reproduction and distribution to participants not later than one week before the lecture begins ;

      - deliver their lectures, participate in debates and comment on the research proposals of the laureates ;

      - review and submit the revised version of their research papers for consideration for publication by CODESRIA not later than two months following their presentation.


      Applicants should be African researchers who have completed their university and /or professional training, with a proven capacity to carry out research on the theme of the Institute. Intellectuals active in the policy process and/or in social movements/civic organisations are also encouraged to apply. The number of places offered by CODESRIA at each session of its institutes is limited to fifteen (15) fellowships. Non-African scholars who are able to raise funds for their participation may also apply for a limited number of places.

      Applicants for the position of Director should submit :

      q an application letter;

      q a proposal, not more than 15 pages in length, indicating the course outline and showing in what ways the course would be original and responsive to the needs of prospective laureates, specifically focussing on the issues to be covered from the point of view of concepts and methodology, a critical review of the literature, and the range of issues arising from the theme of the Institute;

      q a detailed and up-to-date curriculum vitae; and

      q three writing samples.

      Applications for the position of resource persons should include:

      q an application letter ;

      q two writing samples ;

      q a curriculum vitae ; and

      q a proposal, not more than five (5) pages in length, outlining the issues to be covered in their proposed lecture.

      Applications for Laureates should include :

      q an application letter;

      q a letter indicating institutional or organisational affiliation;

      q a curriculum vitae ;

      q a research proposal (two copies and not more than 10 pages), including a descriptive analysis of the work the applicant intends to undertake, an outline of the theoretical interest of the topic chosen by the applicant, and the relationship of the topic to the problematic and concerns of the theme of the 2003 Institute; and

      q two reference letters from scholars and/or researchers known for their competence and expertise in the candidate's research area (geographic and disciplinary), including their names, addresses and telephone, e-mail, fax numbers.

      An independent committee composed of outstanding African social scientists will select the candidates to be admitted to the institute.

      The deadline for the submission of applications is set for 15 June, 2006. The Institute will be held in Dakar, Senegal in August, 2006.

      All applications or requests for further information should be addressed to:

      CODESRIA Democratic Governance Institute

      Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop x Canal IV

      BP 3304, CP 18524,

      Dakar, Senegal.
      Tel.: (221) 825 98 21/22/23

      Fax: (221) 824 12 89

      E-Mail: [email protected]


      Senegal: Codesria institute on health, politics and society

      Call for Applications for the 2006 Session


      The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) was established in 1973 as an initiative of African scholars for the promotion of multidisciplinary research that extends the frontiers of knowledge production in and about Africa, and also responds to the challenges of African development. Within the broad framework of the mandate defined for the Council in its Charter, various research and training programmes have been developed over the years for the purpose both of mobilising the African research community and responding to its needs. The Council also has a robust publications programme which has earned it a reputation as one of the leading scholarly publishers in Africa.


      Theme: Traditional Forms of Health Provisioning in Africa

      Call for Applications for the 2006 Session

      The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) was established in 1973 as an initiative of African scholars for the promotion of multidisciplinary research that extends the frontiers of knowledge production in and about Africa, and also responds to the challenges of African development. Within the broad framework of the mandate defined for the Council in its Charter, various research and training programmes have been developed over the years for the purpose both of mobilising the African research community and responding to its needs. The Council also has a robust publications programme which has earned it a reputation as one of the leading scholarly publishers in Africa. Its training programmes are particularly targeted at younger, mid-career scholars whose need for support in advancing their reflections on conceptual and methodological questions was at the origin of the initiation by the Council of a number of annual thematic institutes. At present, CODESRIA runs annual Governance, Gender, Humanities, and Child and Youth Studies institutes.

      As part of on-going programme innovation and expansion, the Council in 2004 launched an institute on Health, Politics and Society in Africa in a bid to promote an enhanced interest in multidisciplinary health research among African scholars. The initiative flows from the current CODESRIA strategic plan which has placed a considerable emphasis on the promotion of social science approaches to health studies in Africa and a structured dialogue between the Social Sciences and the Health/Biomedical Sciences. The initiative has also become imperative at a time when the African continent is faced with one of the most severe health crises in its history. Most symbolic of this crisis is the HIV/AIDS pandemic which has been ravaging the continent for sometime now even as such diseases as malaria continue to take a heavy toll while tuberculosis and polio, once under control, are enjoying a resurgence. The HIV/AIDS pandemic itself came to the fore in the context of a generalised weakening of the health structures and processes of African countries, as well as the decline in the average health and nutritional status of Africans, the latter speaking directly to the increased levels of personal and household impoverishment on the continent. At the root of the decline in the health status of Africans are such factors as the prolonged economic crises which African countries have faced in the period since the early 1980s, the inappropriate adjustment measures prescribed by the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) for containing the crises but which exacerbated the problems that were already being experienced in the health sector, and the massive brain drain from the sector.


      The main objectives of the Institute on Health, Politics and Society are to:

      q Encourage the emergence and sustenance of a networked community of younger African scholars in the field of health research;

      q Promote methodological and conceptual innovations in research on African health questions through the application of an enhanced social science approach;

      q Encourage a structured dialogue between the Social Sciences and the Health/Biomedical Sciences as part of the quest for a holistic approach to understanding health, politics and society in Africa; and

      q Promote the sharing of experiences among researchers, activists and policy makers drawn from different disciplines, methodological/conceptual orientations, and geographical experiences on a common theme over an extended period of time.

      The activities of all CODESRIA institutes centre on presentations made by resident researchers, visiting resource persons, and the participants whose applications for admission as laureates are successful. The sessions are led by a scientific director who, with the help of invited resource persons, ensures that the laureates are exposed to the range of research and policy issues generated by or arising from the theme of the Institute for which they are responsible. Open discussions drawing on books and articles relevant to the theme of a particular institute or a specific topic within the theme are also encouraged. Each of the participants selected to participate in any of the Council’s institutes as a laureate is required to prepare a research paper to be presented during the course of the particular institute they attend. Laureates are expected to draw on the insights which they gain from the Institute in which they participate to produce a revised version of their research papers for consideration for publication by CODESRIA. For each institute, the CODESRIA Documentation and Information Centre (CODICE) prepares a comprehensive bibliography on the theme of the year. Access is also facilitated to a number of documentation centres in and around Dakar.

      The 2006 Session: Traditional Forms of Health Provisioning in Africa

      African countries attained independence in the 1960s on the basis of a broad social contract between the nationalists who inherited state power from the colonial authorities and the general populace whose support was instrumental to the success of the independence struggle. At the centre of the contract was a commitment by the nationalists to an across-the-board improvement in the lives and well-being of the populace in ways which also overcame the discriminatory restrictions that underpinned colonial social policy and opened new opportunities for social advancement. The health and educational sectors occupied a pride of place in the early investments which post-colonial governments made in the social sectors; overall, these sectors witnessed an all-round expansion in the period up to the end of the 1970s. As it pertains specifically to the health sector, the primary accent was placed on developing the infrastructure for the provision of “modern” medicine to the bulk of the populace. Indeed, public investments in the development of “traditional” medicine, the only form of medicine exclusively patronised by populace before the onset of colonialism, was almost non-existent as all attention went to the development and expansion of a modern medical sector that was structured along the dominant institutional approach introduced during the colonial period. Colonial medical policy was not only racially-structured, it also had a decisively anti-traditional edge which was reinforced by missionary perceptions of the domain of traditional medicine as an arena of “animism”, “barbarism” and “spiritual impurity”. This bias against traditional medicine which assumed the form of a campaign in some cases was built into the public policy process and carried over into the post-colonial period. In the context of the accent which was placed on the expansion of access to modern health services after independence, public investments in training for medical doctors and nurses went hand-in-hand with the construction of medical centres in the urban and rural areas for the practice of modern medicine. In many countries, the public health investments made built on similar (and, in some cases, earlier) investments by missionaries. Also, private providers were licensed as part of the accent that was placed on the expansion of the modern medical sector.

      For much of the period from the 1960s to the end of the 1970s, popular access to the services offered by the modern health sector underwent an uninterrupted growth. But a question which remains unanswered is whether the prospect for the consolidation of the sector would have been strengthened if a conscious effort had been made to build on the pre-existing traditional system of health provisioning and the wealth of indigenous knowledge that had been accumulated on various diseases and their treatment. Whatever the case, as the economic crises of the 1980s began to take hold, exacerbated by the structural adjustment programmes that were introduced ostensibly to contain the crises, the social expenditure of the state suffered a sharp decline, with the health sector bearing the biggest brunt. The health infrastructure of most countries immediately began to undergo a rapid deterioration and decline which, in turn, fed into and reinforced the brain drain from the health sector as doctors, pharmacists and nurses sought greener pastures elsewhere. Both the austerity measures introduced by African governments in the early 1980s to manage their economic crises and the thrust of the adjustment programmes that were adopted under the weight of donor conditionality contained commitments to cost recovery and the introduction of user charges in the health sector; structural adjustment went a step further to incarnate marketisation as the directive principle of policy and practice. The introduction of user charges, cost recovery and other marketisation policies occurred at the same time as the real incomes of the working poor collapsed in the face of deep and repeated currency devaluations; major losses of employment took place as the public sector was first “downsized” and then “rightsized”; and a heavy inflationary spiral took hold which fuelled prices and ate into incomes. All of these added up to make the modern health sector less attractive and accessible than it once was for the generality of the populace, with implications for the health-seeking behaviour of the citizenry. Inability to afford the escalating cost of modern medicine, the absence of critical modern medical services occasioned by the collapse of the public health infrastructure, a shortage of drugs and qualified personnel in public hospitals, and a widespread decline in the quality of services increasingly made a resort to traditional forms of health provisioning an alternative for a significant proportion of the populace. Furthermore, in a season of major pandemics like HIV/AIDS which have fed into the overall environment of uncertainty felt by people in their daily lives, resort to traditional medicine was both a compulsion born out of need and an adaptive/coping mechanism.

      With the modern public health system functioning at sub-optimal levels, the services offered at public health facilities increasingly exposed to an internal commercial logic which, for the average patient, meant payment for virtually every service rendered, the public health insurance system being virtually non-existent, and the culture of private health insurance highly underdeveloped, individuals and households were increasingly driven into seeking alternative modes of health provisioning that entailed a rediscovery of traditional medicine and a reinvention of traditional medical practices. There was also a growth in religiosity and faith-healing; not a few straddled the worlds of faith-healing and traditional medicine in their health-seeking behaviour. If, in the face of the growth of modern public health system in the 1960s and 1970s, traditional medicine only remained viable in rural Africa, the crises of the modern health system that began in the early 1980s has also led to its resurgence in the urban areas where the collapse of the modern health infrastructure has taken its biggest toll. Amidst the revival in traditional health systems, associations of traditional healers have also emerged to seek recognition by the state and a dialogue with the modern medical sector. Whilst the rules of entry into the burgeoning traditional medical sector are still not formally defined, the number of practitioners advertising their trade has grown tremendously. The bigger and more successful providers have made investments in production and packaging facilities that are designed to improve on hygiene and address concerns about dosage. In other words, traditional medicine has also been undergoing a self-conscious process of modernisation. This is particularly so among the traditional medicine practitioners who use herbal formulae and whose remedies target different sections of the populace according to a reading of patterns of social and spatial distribution of illness.

      Participants in the 2006 session of the CODESRIA Institute on Health, Politics and Society will be encouraged to explore the various dimensions of the revival and reinvention of traditional forms of health provisioning in Africa. What changes in form, content and context have been witnessed in the practice of traditional medicine over the years? What is the exact scope of traditional medical practice in contemporary Africa? What is the current state of public policy in African countries on that form of medicine? What kinds of stigma continue to be associated with traditional medicine and what are the enduring roots of the various kinds of stigma that persist? What is the interface between traditional medicine and various kinds of ritual, religious and non-religious? How are we to understand the cosmology of traditional medicine in a way that might enable us gain an insight into the worlds of the patient and practitioner? How does policy towards traditional medicine in the contemporary period compare to the policy espoused by the colonial state? What is the current legal and social status of traditional medicine in different African countries? What kinds of investments have been made to upgrade the quality of traditional medical provision? What are the rules of entry, formal and/or informal, into traditional medical practice? Are there discernible changes in the system of apprenticeship for the training of successive generations of practitioners? What are the modes of transmission of knowledge accumulated in traditional medicine? What are the inter-connections between traditional medicine and indigenous knowledge systems, and what strategies are available for preserving and protecting such knowledge from expropriation by the private commercial agents? What segments of contemporary African societies are most served by the traditional health delivery system? What are the key factors – economic, social, political, spiritual and psychological explaining the efflorescence of traditional medicine in contemporary Africa? Which are the markets that are served by the traditional medical practitioners and how might they be classified? What forms of engagement do the traditional medical practitioners have with the state and associations of practitioners of modern medicine? The range and variety of research and policy issues associated with the on-going revival and expansion of traditional medicine is endless and various multidisciplinary entry points are required for the achievement of a balanced and holistic understanding. Prospective participants in the Institute are invited to address themselves to these different entry points and other related aspects of research on health system governance in Africa.

      The Director

      For every session of its various institutes, CODESRIA appoints an external scholar with a proven track-record of quality work to provide intellectual leadership. Directors are senior scholars known for their expertise in the topic of the year and for the originality of their thinking on it. They are recruited on the basis of a proposal which they submit and which contains a detailed course outline covering methodological issues and approaches; the key concepts integral to an understanding of the object of a particular Institute and the specific theme that will be focused upon; a thorough review of the state of the literature designed to expose laureates to different theoretical and empirical currents; a presentation on various sub-themes, case-studies and comparative examples relevant to the theme of the particular Institute they are applying to lead; and possible policy questions that are worth keeping in mind during the entire research process. Candidates for the position of Director should also note that if their application is successful, they will be asked to:

      - participate in the selection of laureates;

      - identify resource-persons to help lead discussions and debates;

      - design the course for the session, including the specification of sub-themes;

      - deliver a set of lectures and provide a critique of the papers presented by the resource persons and the laureates;

      - submit a written scientific report on the session.

      In addition, the Director is expected to (co-)edit the revised versions of the papers presented by the resource persons with a view to submitting them for publication in one of CODESRIA’s collections. The Director also assists CODESRIA in assessing the papers presented by laureates for publication as a special issue of Africa Development or as monographs.

      Resource Persons

      Lectures to be delivered at the Institute are intended to offer laureates an opportunity to advance their reflections on the theme of the programme and on their own research topics. Resource Persons are, therefore, senior scholars or scholars in their mid-career who have published extensively on the topic, and who have a significant contribution to make to the debates on it. They will be expected to produce lecture materials which serve as think pieces that stimulate laureates to engage in discussion and debate around the lectures and the general body of literature available on the theme.

      One selected, resource persons must:

      - submit a copy of their lectures for reproduction and distribution to participants not later than one week before the lecture begins ;

      - deliver their lectures, participate in debates and comment on the research proposals of the laureates ;

      - review and submit the revised version of their research papers for consideration for publication by CODESRIA not later than two months following their presentation.


      Applicants should be African researchers who have completed their university and /or professional training, with a proven capacity to carry out research on the theme of the Institute. Intellectuals active in the policy process and/or in social movements/civic organisations are also encouraged to apply. The number of places offered by CODESRIA at each session of its institutes is limited to fifteen (15) fellowships. Non-African scholars who are able to raise funds for their participation may also apply for a limited number of places.

      Applicants for the position of Director should submit :

      q an application letter;

      q a proposal, not more than 15 pages in length, indicating the course outline and showing in what ways the course would be original and responsive to the needs of prospective laureates, specifically focussing on the issues to be covered from the point of view of concepts and methodology, a critical review of the literature, and the range of issues arising from the theme of the Institute;

      q a detailed and up-to-date curriculum vitae; and

      q three writing samples.

      Applications for the position of resource persons should include:

      q an application letter ;

      q two writing samples ;

      q a curriculum vitae ; and

      q a proposal, not more than five (5) pages in length, outlining the issues to be covered in their proposed lecture.

      Applications for Laureates should include :

      q an application letter;

      q a letter indicating institutional or organisational affiliation;

      q a curriculum vitae ;

      q a research proposal (two copies and not more than 10 pages), including a descriptive analysis of the work the applicant intends to undertake, an outline of the theoretical interest of the topic chosen by the applicant, and the relationship of the topic to the problematic and concerns of the theme of the 2003 Institute; and

      q two reference letters from scholars and/or researchers known for their competence and expertise in the candidate's research area (geographic and disciplinary), including their names, addresses and telephone, e-mail, fax numbers.

      An independent committee composed of outstanding African social scientists will select the candidates to be admitted to the institute.

      The deadline for the submission of applications is set for 31 May, 2006. The Institute will be held in Dakar, Senegal in July 2006.

      All applications or requests for further information should be addressed to:

      CODESRIA Institute on Health, Politics and Society in Africa

      Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop x Canal IV

      BP 3304, CP 18524,

      Dakar, Senegal
      Tel.: (221) 825 98 21/22/23

      Fax: (221) 824 12 89

      E-Mail: [email protected]


      Sudan: Media and building diversity and democratic culture


      The Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) is organising a training workshop, entitled "Media and Building Diversity and Democratic Culture in Sudan." The training will be held in Khartoum in the period from 5th to 11th of February 2006. It is organized in cooperation with the Sudanese Radio and Television Association and supported by the European Commission, with the participation of approximately 35 journalists working in the Sudanese Radio and television. A group of media and Human Rights experts from Sudan, Egypt and Canada will participate in the workshop.
      Cairo, February 4, 2006
      Press Release

      THE Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) organizes a training workshop, entitled "Media and Building Diversity and Democratic Culture in Sudan." The training will be held in Khartoum in the period from 5th to 11th of February 2006. It is organized in cooperation with the Sudanese Radio and Television Association and supported by the European Commission, with the participation of approximately 35 journalists working in the Sudanese Radio and television. A group of media and Human Rights experts from Sudan, Egypt and Canada will participate in the workshop.

      The objective of the training workshop is to offer a series of practical skills and knowledge related to the issues of cultural diversity and human rights, and their relationship to the media in Sudan. In selecting the participants, special care was given to have the various groups in Sudan represented, including ethnic and religious groups, as well as women.

      The workshop program includes a diverse set of activities, including five training sessions; three round table sessions, and five general lectures, in addition to one day designed for presentation of the diverse experiences in Sudanese arts and literature. The activities will cover a series of issues related to media and cultural diversity, related to culture, ethnicity, language, and religion in international human rights law; management of cultural diversity through audiovisual mass media; the general situation of freedom of media in Sudan; a presentation of a series of experiences in the media in Sudan; freedom of opinion and expression, and the independence of media during the period of interim arrangements in Sudan.

      Moataz El fegiery
      programs coordinator
      Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies(CIHRS)
      tel : OFF +202 7951112 MOB +2 0123429991
      fax: +202 7921913
      9 Rustom Street Garden City ,Cairo,Egypt
      P.O.BOX 117 (Maglis El Shaab),Cairo
      [email protected]
      [email protected]

      UK: Oxford hosts media lawyers training seminar


      Lawyers who advocate on free expression and media freedom issues anywhere in the world are encouraged to apply for the 5th Media Law Advocates Training Programme, an intensive three-week seminar which aims to build skills and knowledge in litigation and advocacy. Taking place from 9-28 July 2006, the programme is hosted by the Programme in Comparative Media Law and Policy at Oxford University, in collaboration with the Open Society Justice Initiative and other organisations. Email: [email protected]


      UK: 2nd Floor, 51 Cornmarket Street, Oxford OX1 3HA
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      [email protected]
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