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Although the numbers of women and men in Uganda are comparable, there exists a great gap in access to resources and to positions of power between the sexes. This inequity affects the structure of the country as a whole and must be corrected.

On 29 August 2014, the Independent magazine ran a cover story about the top guns per region in Uganda. This was a mini survey of 425 top government appointments. The survey was to determine the level of ethnic balance in government institutions in Uganda. One of the key findings was that there is a high level of sectarianism in Uganda. The other finding raises questions about gender equality in governance, whereas the first issue was a regional disparity in terms of numbers and positions of influence. Out of the 25 most influential positions in Uganda, northern Uganda occupied five (20 per cent), eastern Uganda six (24 per cent), central Uganda and western Uganda seven (28 per cent each). Disaggregating these top positions by gender indicates that women are barely represented, at only 36 per cent. Technically, politically as well as economically, the survey positions central and western Uganda at a better height of influence on decision making and the management of Uganda.

For decades, socio-political and economic comparisons in Uganda have taken regional dynamics, indicating a wide gap between the north and the south. Could the first paragraph explaining the gaps in positions of influence in Uganda explain why northern Uganda is poor as well? It’s a hard question to tell. But herein, I share with you some basic facts about northern Uganda from a report prepared in November 2014 by Oxford University economists for the UK Department for International Development and the Office of the Prime Minister (Uganda). The report highlights that 44 per cent of people in northern Uganda currently live below the poverty line, as compared to 20 per cent nationally; although the north accounts for almost a quarter of Uganda’s population and 42 per cent of its land mass, its share of national economic output (GDP) is estimated to be between only 8 per cent and 9 per cent. There is a widening poverty gap and upward pressure on underemployment and unemployment.

The above narrations and statistics point to matters of concern, but of particular interest to me is the question of gender and governance. Very often, defining governance is associated with processes and systems that dictate how decisions are made and implemented; and the relationship between the ruler and the ruled. Also, when talking about governance, a lot of references are made to accountability, transparency, participation, responsiveness and inclusiveness as means of social and economic transformation. However, these facets of governance have barely translated or contributed to sustainable gender equality in most African societies and post-conflict states.

There is a strong nuance that governance cannot be effective unless it is gender-sensitive in decision making and policy implementation. This thinking is based on the ideals that both genders play a strong role in the development of their communities. To date there are just a million more women than men in Uganda. Uganda’s population census report of 2014 indicated that there are 17.9 million females and 16.9 million men. Looking at these figures might make one think that women are equal or almost equal to men in Uganda. However, this does not translate to gender equality or equal representation. It was quite easy in northern Uganda for the voices of women to be heard during the encampment days, simply because civil society organizations and other agencies created structures that ensured that women were represented. Most internally displaced people’s (IDPs) camps had welfare and various committees represented by women and some women took positions of leadership in these structures. These days, these managerial and structural arrangements are barely functional or in existence and have been replaced by groups, so called women’s groups, composed of young girls and at times men.

Most women’s groups in northern Uganda have become financial associations that do not to a larger extent advance the needs and concerns of women and girls; rather they are exploited for political gains. On the other side, there are a number of civil society organizations working on gender-related issues in post-conflict northern Uganda that have tried to push for a ‘women’s agenda’. A number of these organizations largely focus on livelihood support and on girl children. For that reason, categorization of responses to gender issues has made it important to holistically respond to and address gender challenges. This, to a certain extent, is making the push for actions and institutionalization of gender-sensitive governance and advocacy for social justice difficult not only in northern Uganda, but in Uganda as a whole.

Therefore, it is imperative to appreciate and understand the importance of gender sensitivity in governance in post-conflict societies such as northern Uganda. In order not to be socially, politically and economically excluded, gender dynamics must be treated appropriately in any recovery and development programme. In some cases women have been excluded from decision making, yet their involvement makes success more likely in the implementation of policies in a gender-sensitive manner and in advocacy for the needs of women and girls, thus translating to gender equality.

Hence, it is necessary to analyze governance and processes of resource allocations, decision making and participation from a gender sensitive perspective. The critical thinking is that this will contribute to addressing persistent gender inequality. Also, to reach a recognizable target for gender equality, the government of Uganda and other stakeholders must reframe governance goals through a gender lens and draw close attention to inclusiveness, that is to say, gendering inclusiveness by avoiding the risk of exclusion.

My experience has shown me that very often women are represented physically in a number of forums (family meetings, community dialogues); however, a number of them are disempowered from expressing their own opinions and ideas. This challenge affects the effectiveness of government responses toward gender specific needs of vulnerable women and some men. This situation also exists at the local level, affecting each gender differently, depending on one’s financial, political, and literacy levels. In today’s post-conflict northern Uganda, many elderly persons have remained unattended due to exclusion and poverty. Their voices cannot be heard at many forums. It therefore important to encourage the promotion of gender equity as a guiding and also practiced principle, in order to ensure that women and men have equal access not only to resources but also to positions of authority where decisions are made. This matter, if treated as a broader socio-economic and political goal, will enable women and men to have access to the same life choices and rights as well as opportunities in Uganda.

* Otim Denis Barnabas holds a MA in Peace and Governance and works for Refugee Law Project School of Law Makerere University.

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