The Africa Initiative of Syracuse University and Fahamu recently co-hosted an international conference to assess and deliberate on the nature and future of the pre-eminent phase of Sino-African relations. The conference, held from 8th–10th April 2010 on the main campus of Syracuse University in New York, brought together progressive intellectuals, scholar-activists, diplomats and civil society representatives. In his keynote and opening address, H.E. Ambassador Tete Antonio, permanent representative of the African Union (AU) to the United Nations, noted that the meeting was important not only because it provided a much-needed space to further this important debate on the emerging role of China in global politics and international development, but more importantly that the conference at Syracuse aimed to proceed from a perspective that sought to strengthen and better the relationship for the benefit of African and Chinese peoples. Noting the historical friendship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and African nations through the decades, the African Union representative concurred with his Chinese counterpart Counsellor Du Xiaocong, Permanent Mission of the People’s Republic of China to the United Nations, who traced the friendship to a much earlier time that went beyond 1971 when African nations voted overwhelmingly to allow for the admission of China into the United Nations.

The meeting brought together young and established scholars from Africa, North America and China, and underlined the increasing need for a sustained debate focused on how Africa-China relations can be harnessed for the good of the African peoples in ways that break away from underlying assumptions based on the traditional colonial debate that has focused on models of exploitation that have characterised the continent’s relationship with traditional powers, donors and their institutions. Subsequently, the meeting notably sought to transcend the emerging Sino-phobic scholarship and analyses that have conceptualised Africa-China relations only through the limited lens of exploitation, new imperialism and anti-democratic practices. The conference consciously chose optimism and constructive critique over fear and trepidation that dominate the debate and conversation about Chinese engagement with African peoples. This awareness aside, the conference sought to avoid falling into the traps of intellectual astigmatism associated with constant citation of the West’s dark legacy in Africa as sufficient justification for granting African governments the freedom to explore relationships with other actors and corporates that could equally not be conducive to the progressive development of African people. Subsequently, through their presentations, the participants’ critiques sought to provide an impetus and intellectual basis for a better relationship between China and Africa.

Subsequently, during the three days, participants took part in a rigorous intellectual exercise that covered topics ranging from the role and place of the African Union; a comparative look at labour conditions and rights of African workers both in Africa and China; and an analyses of China’s win-win strategy through the lens of actual Resources-for-Infrastructure (R4I) contracts involving the extractive industries in select African countries.

The conference deliberations were guided by, among others, the following concerns and questions:

1. How can we ensure and evaluate the tenets of ‘sincerity, political equality and mutual trust, economic win-win cooperation and common development… ’ are realised as encapsulated in Beijing’s official policy on development cooperation especially in the context of the past five years of Africa-China cooperation?

2. What kind of scholarly output can break the old realist understanding of the new South-South relationship?

3. How can this cooperation be harnessed while at the same time be weaned off potential negative trends and legacies associated with Africa’s traditional development partners?

4. How can Africa and African institutions position themselves for a fruitful engagement with China and Chinese institutions?

5. To what extent can African peoples, workers, civil society organisations and institutions play a role in the development and respect of Chinese works rights through the Chinese workers’ proven use of protest towards treatment on projects implemented in Africa? In addition, attention was drawn to how Africa could, and has already managed to effect the implementation of Chinese foreign policy.

6. To what extent is there a ‘Chinese model’? And what is its potential impact on the democratic, economic and social transformation of Africa?

The level of preparedness and technical capability of African countries and their delegations to safeguard national interests during important international negotiations came into sharp focus during the conference. It was noted for instance that most African countries have yet to concretise their rules of engagement with China and Chinese companies. Similarly, Africa has remained largely reactive in response to proposals and initiatives developed by its partners who continue to set the priority for exchange, development and transformation. As such, there is an urgent need for African governments and the African Union to invest in research and skills training so as to better advance the strategic interests of African peoples in this relationship.

Participants learnt of Chinese engagement and contribution to peace and security in Africa as well as its cultural penetration through Confucius institutes in Africa, two areas that are not as prominent in public discourse on Sino-African relations as the economic, resource and political aspects. On the cultural front, it was noted that while China was establishing Confucius institutes in Africa, there was no similar trend of African cultural and philosophical institutions in China, as yet, to balance out the cultural exchange aspect of Sino-African relations. And because culture is transmitted principally through people-to-people exchanges and interactions, there has to be a better examination of the cultural context of the Africa-China relationship.

In his remarks, Ambassador Adonia Ayebare, Africa Program director at the International Peace Institute in New York, similarly spoke of the pivotal role played by China in resolving crises in Burundi, Zimbabwe, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Horn of Africa and suggested that China is contributing to peace in Africa through multilateralism and a new form of diplomacy that balances the stated commitment of political non-interference with a continuous behind-the-scenes engagement with regional organisations and specific African governments. This new strategy of conflict prevention adopted by the African Union ensures that resources, both diplomatic and financial, are invested in preventive diplomacy rather than reactive mechanisms like peace keeping.

It was noted that China may be taking lessons on how to deal with Africa from sources that may be less committed to Africa’s transformation and more to their strategic interests. As such, the meeting strongly felt that China should respectfully conduct dialogue with Africans rather than through the mushrooming of trilateral fora including the USA, China and Africa, and the EU, China and Africa. However, according to China, the requests for these dialogues have always originated from the EU and USA respectively.

Finally, there was a clear call to strengthen partnerships and collaborative work between scholars and research and political institutions, as well as progressive civil society organisations in Africa and China to support and complement the work done at the governmental level.

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* Michael Otieno is based with the Africa Initiative of Syracuse University, New York. Hayley Herman is programme officer at Fahamu’s Emerging Powers in Africa programme based in South Africa.
* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at Pambazuka News.